Search results

1

Recenzja książki “Kenya: the Struggle for a New Constitutional Order”, Godwin R. Murunga, Duncan Okello, Anders Sjörgen (red.), Zed Books, London 2014, ss. 224.

100%

Dobrzeniecki I.

Afryka

|

2017

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issue 45

135-143

EN

One of the essential elements of Kenyan political history is the issue of constitutionalism. From 1963 until 2010, the so-called “Lancaster House Constitution” was in force. It was outdated, repeatedly amended and associated with Jomo Kenyatta’s and Daniel Arap Moi’s authoritarian regimes. In the 1990s, the newly formed and now legal political opposition, leading Kenyan figures and human rights organisations increasingly demanded a democratisation process, an important element of which was meant to be a new Kenyan constitution. The authors of the book discuss this subject matter, which is especially important for the process of Kenyan constitutional reform.

2

The Europeanisation of the Local Self-Government in the South Caucasus

100%

Czachor R.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2022

|

issue 2 (51)

30-47

EN

The following paper employs a normative approach and focuses on the problem of the current state of the local self-government in the South Caucasus countries: Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. Since all these countries are members of the Council of Europe, a reference point for decentralisation is the European Charter of Local Self-Government. The paper's main thesis is that despite showing some similarities, the countries have introduced different models of decentralisation that do not fully meet the Council of Europe’s criteria. Such variation is in line with the different political systems of these states and their level of democratisation. The more democratic the state is, the stronger the decentralisation it has adopted. Thus, decentralisation in Georgia follows the European model of public policy, while Azerbaijan is preserving the former Soviet model of weak self-government, with central authorities playing the leading role in public services. The current changes in Armenia’s model resemble the Georgian track of reforms. The findings of this paper may be applicable both in further theoretical research and in implementing reforms of local self-government in various post-Soviet states.

3

“Crisis, Chaos, Violence – Is that Really what We Want?” A Stalled Democratization in Jordan

88%

Malantowicz A., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

|

2013

|

issue 1 (3)

PL

Amidst the regional turmoil in the Middle East, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan prevails its relative stability despite undergoing only limited democratic reforms. The article aims to present and analyze the Jordanian regime’s reaction to the Arab Spring in light of the international historical sociology, which depicts multidimensional and interlinked relations between the state, socjety and international environment, all immersed in historical context. The analysis finds that Jordan is a case proving that some nations praise stability over rushed political reform and, what is a key to understand the phenomenon, this is the view shared not only among the ruling elite but also by a vast part of the society. The somewhat stalled democratisation works in favour of the autocratic regime of King Abdullah II who retains power, of the Jordanian society, which does not have to fear internal disorder, and of the international community for whom Jordan is a long-standing and reliable partner.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14763

4

Polish lustration and the models of transitional justice

88%

Krotoszyński M.

Adam Mickiewicz University Law Review

|

2014

|

vol. 3

199-211

PL

Transitional justice in the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe concentrates on the problem of the lustration of former secret service officers and their clandestine collaborators and on the question of access to files created by the communist political police. The aim of the article is to present the Polish experience in this field in view of the theoretical framework available in transitional justice literature. Thus, the text begins with definitions of some basic notions connected with dealing with the past. The article also proposes three basic models of transitional justice. The third part offers an account of Polish lustration and public disclosure measures and assigns those instruments to the models of transitional justice. The final section presents some concluding remarks on the evolution of Polish lustration.

5

„Arabska wiosna” – fala demokracji w warunkach islamu. Spojrzenie z polskiej perspektywy

88%

Muszkiewicz M.

Społeczeństwo i Ekonomia

|

2014

|

issue 1 (1)

154-172

EN

The revolutionary wave in North Africa brought about deep changes − both social and political − in the region. Islamists have grown to become the most important political power in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. Muslim Brotherhood, a while ago referred to as Islamic extremists, stands for democratic changes in the Arab world nowadays. However, a belief that the Arab revolution should create constitutional democracies modeled on western democracies is unjustified. The article indicates problems with the democracy in the Islamic world, but does not show the way to resolve them. Taking into consideration complexity of relations between Western and Islamic civilizations, differences in understanding the worth of culture and religion and requirements of current politics, it is hard to achieve a common ground. The fact has a significant influence on the possibilities of spreading the democracy across Muslims. One thing is sure: lack of knowledge cannot be superseded by fear and prejudice.

6

Between Autonomy and Independence. The Democratisation of the Armed Forces in Latin America in the Twenty-First Century

88%

Stelmach M.

|

2020

|

vol. 25

|

issue 1

29-47

EN

The aim of this article is to analyse the new forms of militarism as well as the position and the role of the armed forces in Latin American political systems in the twenty-first century. The first part analyses two selected forms of military participation in politics: the participation of former servicemembers in presidential elections and their performance as presidents, and the militarisation of political parties. The second part of the article focuses on the issue of contemporary civil-military relations in Latin America, discussing the problems associated with the establishment of democratic control over the armed forces, the reform of the Ministries of Defense and the redefinition of the functions of the army.

7

Between Advanced Medical Technology and Prayer: Infertility Treatment in Post-socialist Poland

75%

Radkowska-Walkowicz M.

Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review

|

2014

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vol. 50

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issue 6

939-960

EN

In Poland, invitro fertilisation technology (IVF) has been in use for over 25 years, garnering success and social approval. However, in 2007, a heated debate erupted on the moral, legal and economic aspects of IVF. A growing chorus of emphatic Catholic voices calls for IVF to be banned. This paper focuses on ‘naprotechnology’, a new actor and a fresh card in Poland’s IVF debate. This method of treating infertility in accordance with the teachings of the Catholic Church is promoted as a cheaper and more effective alternative to IVF. Naprotechnology is primarily based on close observation of the female fertility cycle, but also involves pharmacological or surgical treatments. Most Polish gynecologists specialising in infertility treatments are strongly critical of the method, which is seldom referenced in international medical literature. Nonetheless, naprotechnology has considerable exposure in major Polish media outlets. The method has been debated in the Polish Parliament and is promoted by many politicians. The author argues that, despite the possible perception of naprotechnology as an emancipating force, it is in fact a form of a colonisation of the female body and strengthens traditional gender imagery and modern forms of discipline (control, confession, body regimes).

8

Limitations and Challenges of Building Democracy in the Conditions of Multiethnic Society in Zambia

75%

Lenč J., Hrivíková T.

Ethnologia Actualis

|

2014

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vol. 14

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issue 2

26-42

EN

Some politicians in Europe ever more frequently claim that multiculturalism has failed. Others assert that it is primarily the current model of democracy which is in crisis. On the other hand Africa is generally perceived as a continent without experience with either democratic tradition or even liberal concept of multiculturalism. But is that really the case? What do we know about the diversity of the African continent in Central Europe? A potential positive example of successful democratisation and multiculturalism forming processes in Africa could be presented by Zambia. Where are then the limitations and challenges in the process of building a democratic system within the framework of African multiculturalism?

9

Procesy demokratyzacji i tajwanizacji. O roli edukacji w kształtowaniu tajwańskiej tożsamości narodowej

75%

Nowosad I.

Studia z Teorii Wychowania

|

2018

|

issue 1 (22)

165-188

EN

The article focuses on educational transformation in Taiwan, as reflected in its ongoing social changes. The genesis and the course of two particularly important processes: democratisation and Taiwanisation are given special consideration, as they have radically been changing the face of Taiwan’s education and appear to be paving the way for the shaping of a new Taiwanese national identity. This process can be read as “balancing” Taiwan between East and West – between different values and processes. While presenting their essence, also complex links with Taiwan’s policy towards China and the orientation on economic growth are taken into account.

PL

W artykule zwrócono uwagę na proces transformacji edukacji Tajwanu odzwierciedlający zachodzące w tym kraju przemiany społeczne i polityczne. Zwrócono uwagę na genezę i przebieg dwóch szczególnie istotnych procesów: demokratyzacji i tajwanizacji, które radykalnie zmieniają oblicze edukacji i forsują drogę do kształtowania nowej tajwańskiej tożsamości narodowej. Proces ten można odczytać jako „balansowanie” Tajwanu między Wschodem a Zachodem – odmiennymi wartościami i procesami. Ukazując ich istotę, uwzględniono złożone powiązania z polityką Tajwanu wobec Chin oraz orientacją na wzrost gospodarczy.

10

Promotion of National Heroes as Civic Role-Models during Democratisation

75%

Wawrzyński P., Marszałek-Kawa J.

The New Educational Review

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2018

|

vol. 52

101-111

EN

The paper considers the relationship between remembrance narratives on national heroes and proliferation of political attitudes, values and behaviours during democratisation. It discusses the impact of interpretations of the past on the development of civil society in the context of public education as an instrument of identity politics. Comparing the experiences of Chile, Estonia, Georgia, Poland, South Africa and Spain, the authors present the role of national heroes in the legitimisation of behaviours and attitudes, new elites and national unity. The discussed results prove that the establishment of a pro-democratic system of civic education increases chances for successful consolidation of democracy in post-authoritarian countries.

11

(Dis)trust into the rule of law in Slovenia

75%

Haček M.

Political Preferences

|

2013

|

issue 4

9-23

EN

After the collapse of the non-democratic regime in the early 1990s, public opinion surveys became important factor in the process of democratic decision-making. Author is analysing the results of public opinion surveys, which bring together data on the attitude of the general public towards democracy, (dis)satisfaction with the political situation and (dis)satisfaction with most important political and administrative institutions with special emphasis given to the public’s (dis)trust toward the rule of law. Based on the data obtained article allocates Slovenia’s position compared to other established European democracies as well as post-communist countries from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) on the scale of the relationship of the dimensions of societal (dis)trust in political power.

12

Manipulation of Vote Choice – Impediment to the Electoral Integrity in Turkey?

71%

Szymański A., Wódka J.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2017

|

issue 3

103-116

PL

Od 1946 r., Turcja jest demokracją wielopartyjną – w państwie tym regularnie odbywają się wolne, konkurencyjne wybory. Jednak w ostatnim dziesięcioleciu, wraz z konsolidacją władzy przez Partię Sprawiedliwości i Rozwoju, pojawia się coraz więcej wątpliwości co do uczciwości wyborów. Partia rządząca zaczęła uciekać się do szeregu środków, ograniczających ich konkurencyjność. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie skali nadużyć wyborczych w Turcji, z naciskiem na jeden z trzech głównych obszarów manipulacji wyborczych, to jest manipulowanie “preferencjami wyborców” (vote choice), który wydaje się być najbardziej problematyczny. Ambicją autorów jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy wybory w Turcji, mimo obserwowanych nieprawidłowości, nadal spełniają międzynarodowe standardy, czy też Turcja staje się ‘wyborczą autokracją’?

EN

Turkey has had a fairly long tradition of regular, competitive polls and multi-party democracy begun in 1946. However, in the last decade, with the consolidation of Justice and Development Party’s (AKP, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) grip on power, there has been a growing concern about the integrity of elections in this state. In subsequent elections the ruling party resorted to a plethora of means inhibiting their competitiveness. Thus, the article seeks to survey the extent of election malpractices in Turkey with the focus on manipulation of vote choice as most disturbing group of electoral malpractices and, without prejudging, to address the fundamental questions about whether elections in Turkey, notwithstanding the irregularities, still meet democratic, international standards, or whether Turkey is sliding into electoral autocracy.

13

Annus Mirabilis 1989 i jego dziedzictwo: spełnione obietnice, stracone złudzenia i niespodziewane rezultaty

71%

Ziółkowski M.

Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny

|

2014

|

vol. 76

|

issue 2

25-42

EN

This paper is an attempt to reconsider the first years of systemic transformations in Poland, or, more precisely, the course of events during democratisation process going on in 1989, and the fundamental problems of the consolidation of democracy in the following years. In a comparative analysis referring to categories used by Samuel P. Huntington in his book: The Third Wave. Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century, it presents the consequences of the fact that democratisation in Poland was achieved by ‘transplacement’ – joint actions of the government and the opposition, manifested in particular at the Round Table talks. Further the main dilemmas of subsequent years are analysed. These include: the economic and social issues, the problem of the accountability for the past, and the question of how to deal with the praetorians of the former regime. Changes in the social perception of the early transformation period are also described.

PL

Artykuł jest próbą analizy pierwszych lat transformacji systemowej w Polsce, tzn. przebiegu procesu demokratyzacji w 1989 r. oraz podstawowych problemów konsolidacji demokracji w Polsce w kilku latach następnych. Jest to analiza porównawcza wykorzystująca kategorie stosowane przez S. Huntingtona w książce Trzecia fala demokratyzacji. Artykuł przedstawia konsekwencje faktu, że proces demokratyzacji dokonał się w Polsce poprzez „przemieszczenie”, tzn. wspólne działania rządu i przedstawicieli opozycji, czego wyrazem był zwłaszcza obrady Okrągłego Stołu. Analizuje najistotniejsze dylematy następnych lat, a więc problemy gospodarcze i socjalne, „problem kata” (tzn. kwestię rozliczenia przeszłości) oraz „problem pretorianina” (tzn. sposób traktowania przedstawicieli poprzednich resortów siłowych). Opisuje także zmiany społecznego postrzegania wydarzeń z owych lat.

14

Impact of Spain’s democratisation on its multilateral relations

63%

Mizerska-Wrotkowska M.

Reality of Politics

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2017

|

issue 8

45-60

EN

The objective of this article is to analyse the impact of the Spanish democratic transformation on its multilateral relations. It analyses the strategies of Spanish governments in the transformation era and the process of accession to NATO, the Council of Europe and the European Communities. Source analysis and criticism methods (applied mostly to Spanish- -language texts), as well as comparative analysis were employed for the needs of this article. Based on her research, the author concludes that changes to Spanish foreign policy were evolutionary in nature. Therefore, it took Spain several years to regain the full confidence of its partners. Before any breakthrough changes could occur in the multilateral dimension, Spain needed to normalise its bilateral relations. The democratic elections conducted on the 15th of June 1977 in Spain was the breakthrough without which no accession to any important international organisation could ever happen. As the event clinched the state’s democratisation, it paved the way for Spain to join soon the Council of Europe. The accession process for the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation was more complex. The Spanish political scene was divided in that matter. Spain’s accession to the European Communities was the longest process. It was subject not only to the state’s democratisation progress but also to economic issues.

15

The State of Democracy in Poland and Europe

63%

Wałęsa L., Wawrzyński P., Marszałek A.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2016

|

vol. 45

157–165

EN

The exclusive interview with Mr Lech Wałęsa, the legendary leader of “Solidarity” Trade Union, the Noble Peace Prize Laureate in 1983 and the President of Poland from 1990 to 1995, on the state of democracy in Poland and Europe presents Mr Wałęsa’s perspective on challenges that contemporary political leaders have to face. It discusses four major areas: a historical consideration of Poland’s post–communist transformation, a today’s perspective on democracy in Poland, an evaluation of country’s role in the united Europe and a discussion of processes that threat democracy in Poland and Europe. In the interview, Mr Wałęsa shares his hopes and fears, and he presents main ideas for the new political times. His assessments do not focus only on the today’s state of democracy, but he also tries to consider how the democracy may look like in the future. As a result the Polish Political Science Yearbook publishes a unique conversation with the legend of the struggle against Communist dictatorships in Europe that shows Mr Wałęsa’s personal remarks on the democracy, the globalised World and modern technologies.

16

The Structure of Transitional Remembrance Policy. A Report on Internal Correlations

63%

Marszałek-Kawa J., Wawrzyński P.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2016

|

vol. 52

223-235

PL

Raport prezentuje wyniki badań porównawczych nad związkami między narracjami pamięci a tranzycyjną polityką tożsamości. Badania zrealizowane zostały poprzez zastosowanie jakościowo- ilościowej analizy narratywnej sześciu przypadków: Chile, Estonii, Gruzji, Hiszpanii, Polski i Południowej Afryki. Artykuł omawia wewnętrzne korelacje w ramach struktury tranzycyjnej polityki historycznej w odniesieniu do trzech poziomów analizy: ogólnego, przestrzeni oddziaływania (celów polityki) i pól oddziaływania (zadań polityki). W efekcie przedstawia dwa modele – ogólny model korelacji i model korelacji wewnętrznych. Nakreślają one najważniejsze cechy opowiadania o przeszłości w toku demokratyzacji i rozwijają obecne rozumienie sposobu, w jaki argumenty historyczne mogą oddziaływać na tranzycyjną rekonstrukcję tożsamości narodowej.

EN

The research report presents results of the comparative study on relationships between remembrance narratives and transitional identity policy. It is based on the qualitative-toquantitative narrative analysis of six cases: Chile, Estonia, Georgia, Poland, South Africa, and Spain. It discusses internal correlations within the structure of transitional remembrance policy with reference to three levels of analysis: the general level, the areas of impact (objectives of the policy) level, and the fields of impact (aims of the policy) level. As a result, it offers two models – the General Model of Correlations, and the Model of Internal Correlations. These two drawings show main features of remembrance story-telling during democratisations, and they develop present understandings on the way in which historical arguments may influence transitional identity reconstruction.

17

South African Post–Apartheid Transitional Remembrance Policy (1994–1999)

63%

Wawrzyński P., Stańco-Wawrzyńska A.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2016

|

vol. 45

145–154

EN

The paper presents results of the qualitative–to–quantitative narrative analysis of the transitional remembrance policy in South Africa during Nelson R. Mandela’s presidency. It refers to findings on the structure of political applications of historical interpretations to the issue of national identity reconstruction during democratisation. Therefore, the paper considers a degree in which remembrance story–telling was used to legitimise, justify, explain and promote the Rainbow Nation, the inclusive and non–racial vision of South Africa’s ’ideal self’ based on Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s theology of Ubuntu hoping. It investigated these relationships on eight levels – legitimisation of new elites, presence of former elites, transitional justice, social costs of transformations, promotion of new standards, the symbolic roles of democratisation, need for national unity and the new state’s identity in international politics. Moreover, the paper introduces a draft comparison with other cases of transitional remembrance policy – Chile, Estonia, Georgia, Poland and Spain – and it offers the structural model of the use of historical interpretations in South African transition, as well as discussing it with reference to the general model of the transitional remembrance policy.

18

Remembrance, Identity Politics and Political Transitions: a Comparative Study

63%

Marszałek-Kawa J., Wawrzyński P.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2016

|

vol. 45

11-21

EN

The paper presents findings of the comparative study on relationships between remembrance story-telling and the transitional reconstruction of political identities. It identifies in which areas and fields of impact governments tend to use interpretations of the past to promote new leadership visions of society. Moreover, it verifies theoretical hypotheses related to the politicised remembrance and its role as a political asset during transformations, as well as it considers the theoretical framework of democracy-building (and a common prediction of its universal character). As a result, the study offers a detailed picture of the way remembrance narratives are transformed into explanations, justifications or legitimisation of new, post-authoritarian identities based on qualitative-to-quantitative analysis of the intensity of story-telling and its links with transitional identity politics. In the conclusion, the Authors present their consideration of research findings, and they discuss it with reference to the nature of transitional government’s remembrance policy as a sphere of social influence.

19

25 lat działalności samorządu terytorialnego

54%

Woźniak M.

Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny

|

2015

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vol. 77

|

issue 3

23-25

EN

The 25 years of activity of self-government in Poland occupy a special place in Polish history. It has been a period of dynamic political, social and economic changes and self-government units have been to a large extent creators of that change. Undoubtedly, the first years, which were also the most difficult ones, played a crucial role, and never again has it been possible to achieve the same level of enthusiasm and social involvement in the process. I was lucky to participate in the building of self-governing structures in Poland from the very beginning and at all levels. There was huge responsibility placed on the shoulders of those who were appointed to the function of a local self-government officer. The credit of trust given to them was charged with enormous social expectations. The stake 25 years ago was not only the possibility of free elections; it was the fundamental changes in all aspect of life. Decentralisation and democtratisation of the Polish state would not have been possible without active engagement of self-government, which involved the entire society in the process of change, they taught responsibility and transparency. The building of self-government in Poland was a huge logistic project, on a scale not previously encountered. Over 100 thousand state clerks transformed into independent officials, learning new skills and competences, also drawing on experiences of other countries. In result of the processof passing state property to local governments, communes and municipalities (gmina) received several millions of plots of land and over acquired over 1,500 enterprises. The experiences gained in the legislative and organisational work of the first stage of the self-governance reform, enabled Poland to enter the second stage of the reform in 1989 and to commence work of the building of district (powiat) and regional (voivodship) self-government structures. That process was completed 8 years later. Self-governance at the regional level was being developed when Poland was about to receive pre-accession funds from the European Union, a lucky moment since it was self-government that was to play a vital role in their distribution. Regional self-government is also responsible for facilitating suitable and supporting conditions for regional development and competitiveness of regions. Today, we are facing another challenge which is an optimal use of the EU funds allocated to Poland from the 2014-2020 budget. I have no doubts that we shall do it well.

PL

25 lat działalności samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce to okres w historii Polski szczególny – czas dynamicznych zmian politycznych, społecznych i gospodarczych, których samorządy w znaczącym stopniu były kreatorami. I trzeba przyznać, że to właśnie te pierwsze, najtrudniejsze przecież lata nie miały sobie równych, bo tak ogromnego entuzjazmu i zaangażowania społecznego nie udało się osiągnąć już nigdy później. Miałem szczęście uczestniczyć w budowaniu samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce niemal od początku, na wszystkich jego szczeblach. Na obejmujących swe funkcje samorządowcach spoczęła ogromna odpowiedzialność, bo kredyt zaufania, jakim ich obdarzono, związany był z ogromnymi oczekiwaniami społecznymi: 25 lat temu nie chodziło przecież tylko o możliwość przeprowadzenia wyborów samorządowych, ale o fundamentalne zmiany we wszystkich dziedzinach życia. Decentralizacja i demokratyzacja polskiego państwa nie byłyby możliwe bez samorządów. To one włączały w przemiany całe społeczeństwo, uczyły odpowiedzialności i transparentności działania. Budowa samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce była też ogromną operacją logistyczną, na niespotykana dotąd skalę ‒ 25 lat temu ponad 100 tysięcy osób z urzędników państwowych zmieniło się w samorządowych, zdobywając nowe umiejętności i kompetencje, m.in. korzystając z wcześniejszych doświadczeń innych krajów. W wyniku komunalizacji mienia gminy przejęły wtedy kilka milionów nieruchomości i ponad 1500 przedsiębiorstw. Doświadczenia legislacyjne i organizacyjne pierwszego etapu reformy pozwoliły już jednak w 1991 r. rozpocząć prace nad jej drugim etapem – tworzeniem samorządów powiatowych i wojewódzkich, co nastąpiło po ośmiu latach. Samorząd regionalny powstawał już w momencie, gdy Polska przygotowywała się na przyjęcie unijnych środków przedakcesyjnych, w których podziale samorządy regionalne miały odgrywać znaczącą rolę. To na samorządach regionalnych spoczęła odpowiedzialność za tworzenie warunków do rozwoju województwa i wzrostu jego konkurencyjności. A przed nami kolejne ogromne wyzwanie – optymalne wykorzystanie środków unijnych z okresu budżetowego 2014-2020. Nie mam żadnych wątpliwości, że zrobimy to dobrze.

20

Nowa leksyka języka polskiego – jej źródła i tendencje rozwoju (wybrane zagadnienia)

51%

Dróżdż-Łuszczyk K.

Poradnik Językowy

|

2022

|

vol. 790

|

issue 1

71-88

EN

The author’s main thesis is that the processes of internationalisation and democratisation are characteristic of the contemporary Polish language. The main research subject presented in the paper concerns an intensive development of the Polish vocabulary. The author analyses the neologisms performing the nominative function. She presents words formed with Polish suffixes, productivity of foreign prefi xes, and series formed with borrowed morphemes.

PL

Główna teza postawiona przez autorkę jest równoważna ze stwierdzeniem, że procesy internacjonalizacji i demokratyzacji są charakterystyczne dla współczesnego języka polskiego. W artykule zaprezentowano intensywny rozwój leksyki, dokonujący się w języku polskim po roku 2003. Omówione zostały przede wszystkim neologizmy o funkcji nominatywnej. Przedstawiono procesy derywacji za pomocą sufiksów rodzimych oraz produktywność prefiksów zapożyczonych, a także serie neologizmów z cząstką zapożyczoną.

Refine search results

Recenzja książki “Kenya: the Struggle for a New Constitutional Order”, Godwin R. Murunga, Duncan Okello, Anders Sjörgen (red.), Zed Books, London 2014, ss. 224.

The Europeanisation of the Local Self-Government in the South Caucasus

“Crisis, Chaos, Violence – Is that Really what We Want?” A Stalled Democratization in Jordan

Polish lustration and the models of transitional justice

„Arabska wiosna” – fala demokracji w warunkach islamu. Spojrzenie z polskiej perspektywy

Between Autonomy and Independence. The Democratisation of the Armed Forces in Latin America in the Twenty-First Century

Between Advanced Medical Technology and Prayer: Infertility Treatment in Post-socialist Poland

Limitations and Challenges of Building Democracy in the Conditions of Multiethnic Society in Zambia

Procesy demokratyzacji i tajwanizacji. O roli edukacji w kształtowaniu tajwańskiej tożsamości narodowej

Promotion of National Heroes as Civic Role-Models during Democratisation

(Dis)trust into the rule of law in Slovenia

Manipulation of Vote Choice – Impediment to the Electoral Integrity in Turkey?

Annus Mirabilis 1989 i jego dziedzictwo: spełnione obietnice, stracone złudzenia i niespodziewane rezultaty

Impact of Spain’s democratisation on its multilateral relations

The State of Democracy in Poland and Europe

The Structure of Transitional Remembrance Policy. A Report on Internal Correlations

South African Post–Apartheid Transitional Remembrance Policy (1994–1999)

Remembrance, Identity Politics and Political Transitions: a Comparative Study

25 lat działalności samorządu terytorialnego

Nowa leksyka języka polskiego – jej źródła i tendencje rozwoju (wybrane zagadnienia)