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Democracy Without Demos?

100%
Pałecki K.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2015
|
vol. 44
171-192
EN
The article presents an analysis of the role of demos in power relations in democratic states. The author of the text postulates the need for contemporary political science research to expand its analyses beyond formal structures of political institutions and include in its scope also features of demos – the “cultural factor” to better understand the functioning and chances for success of democracy in different states.
2
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Byzantine spirit of the Undead and its legacy in the Sick Man of Europe

88%
Tešan J., Davison J.
Przegląd Narodowościowy – Review of Nationalities
|
2018
|
vol. 8
21-38
EN
This paper examines the source and consequences of permanent liminality in the political-legal administration of the Byzantine Empire. The paper argues ambiguous and incomplete identities of individuals, groups, and society associated with certain authoritarian political arrangements and consequent arrested liminal period(s) contributed to the decline of the Empire. Further, and significantly, the unresolved situation of disaggregated identity, or spirited away demos, persisted in the Ottoman Era and continues to infect contemporary socio-political affairs in regions in the Balkans and other countries of the former Soviet Union which now seek to balance the interests of a nation-state with the diversity of Europe. The paper does not consider the Orthodox Spirit, but rather analyzes the role of pseudo-intellectuals and sophists who derail the democratic and philosophical Hellenist traditions with authoritarian policies and tools. The research compares and links the institutional attempts of the Byzantine and Ottoman Empires to manage and manipulate differences and distinctions through mechanisms such as theatricalization and the millets. The argument concludes that these strategies created the basis for the perpetualization of the sick man of Europe to the extent they focused on juggling the distinctions and identities of the empires rather than pursuing the development of the democratic self. Thus, in liminality is revealed and contained undead and viral authoritarian spirits, sometimes manifested in populist or extremist ethnic leaders, whose technologies trick the demos and disrupt the democratic imagination.
3
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Public Area and Globalization Antinomy

75%
Hauer T.
The New Educational Review
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2006
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vol. 9
27-31
EN
The paper tries to carry out a philosophical analysis of some antinomies of the process we describe as globalization. We point out the disagreement between the expert and postmodern definition of globalization, the trend to drive out the postmodern conception of globalization from the public area. The globalization process is set in a broader context of social and political changes the liberal democracies went through in the second half of the 20th century. The examples presented by the author put emphasis on some negative externalities.
4
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Kwestie peloponeskie. Demokracja przeciw prawu. Hybris radykałów

38%
Oniszczuk J.
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace
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2018
|
issue 4 (36)
29-63
EN
The defeat of the Hellenes in the Peloponnesian war in the 5th century B. C. happened a number of centuries after a deathly silence following the Trojan War and so called dark ages (lasting three centuries) as well as after popular stories on heroes of Mycenae and after poetic (Homer) times of storytelling. Those stories created an idea organizing a new world of archaic Greeks. The Peloponnesian events closed – in a way again – the certain order; this time it was the order of democrats characterized by the hubris of aristocracy (Athens) and the order of oligarchs characterized by the arrogance of democrats (Sparta). While the Trojan war prepared the fall of king Agamemnon, the Athens’ war prepared the king’s come back, this time the Macedonian one, who – craving for the fame of an Achaean hero -followed the path of a Mycenae ruler. Finally, the Peloponnesian war did not bring success of some Greek poleis or the whole Greece. Results of this war are expressed by a conclusion on the common Peloponnesian failure. It was a clash of interests of oligarchic order with democracy. What is important, a serious conflict arose: populist (majority) democracy against law and justice. This conflict was possible due to the lack of any institution of a public arbiter or moral authority, which could prevent a fall of moderation as an essential (sine qua non) feature of democracy (Solon). There is no democracy without moderation and self-resistance.
PL
Klęska Hellenów w wojnie peloponeskiej V w. p.n.e nastąpiła po wielu wiekach od zaistnienia martwej ciszy po wojnie trojańskiej i po trwających później trzy stulecia tzw. wiekach ciemnych oraz opowieściach ludowych o mykeńskich herosach, po poetyckich (Homer) czasach opowieści, które zbudowały ideę organizującą nowy świat Hellenów. Wydarzenia peloponeskie zamknęły – niejako ponownie – pewien ład; tym razem był to porządek demokratów cechujących się pychą arystokratów (Ateny) i porządek oligarchów o bucie demokratów (Sparta). Ale też, o ile wojna pod Troją przygotowała upadek króla (Agamemnon), to wojna pod Atenami przygotowała powrót króla, tym razem Macedońskiego, który złakniony pysznej sławy bohatera achajskiego, podążył drogą mykeńskiego władcy. Wojna peloponeska ostatecznie nie skończyła się sukcesem jakichś sprawiedliwych poleis greckich czy całej Grecji. Rezultaty owej wojny wyraża myśl mówiąca o powszechnej klęsce peloponeskiej. Walczyły między sobą interesy ustroju oligarchicznego i demokratycznego. Co jednak niezwykle ważne, pojawił się poważny konflikt: demokracja populistyczna (większościowa) przeciw prawu i sprawiedliwości. Ów konflikt okazał się możliwy z powodu braku jakiejś instytucji publicznego arbitra czy moralnego autorytetu, które zapobiegłyby upadkowi umiarkowania, będącego konstytutywną (sine qua non) cechą demokracji (Solon). Bez umiarkowania nie ma demokracji.
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