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EN
After Macedonia’s division following the Balkan wars between Serbia, Greece and Bulgaria, a planned action was launched to denationalise the Macedonian nation and assimilate it with Balkan states. For Macedonian children in Vardar, Aegean and Pirin Macedonia the languages of school tuition were foreign to them. During the World War I on the territories occupied by Bulgaria, children were taught in Bulgarian by teachers specially sent there or those who had come before, usually Orthodox clergymen (exarchate). Such a policy was continued and still reinforced in the interwar period, with a view to destroying the Macedonian culture and language used in daily life. All public Macedonian demonstrations were prohibited.
EN
This article examines the end of the 60's – 70's of the XX century, the time characterized by intensification of repressive management of historical science in the USSR, the establishment of censorship and harassment, forcing the Ukrainian historians to serve the needs of the Soviet totalitarian state. Rejection of historical science from ideological foundations of the Communist Party was impossible. Ideological supervision of the intelligentsia in Ukraine and total control of historical research institutions started. Ruling Communist Party fought against dissidents, media and folowers of «Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism ideology», shaped prejudice to all national. The least manifestation of patriotism of Ukrainians was regarded as anti-Soviet activity. Ukrainians were reluctantly forced to feel inferior nation without its own long history.
EN
The article studies the anti-national population policy of the USSR taking as the example the titular nation of Ukraine during the 1960s –1970s. The author investigates inner republican effects of migration (increasing the number of mixed marriages and the displacement of the Ukrainian language by Russian) and studies official statistics – Union censuses in 1959, 1970, and 1979 which allow a comparative analysis of the dynamics of the Ukrainians and territorial distribution in different regions of the republic. The author has found that in the outlined period the USSR government always created anti-Ukrainian background at all levels, which formed a widespread anti-national population policy of Russification and assimilation of the Ukrainians; there was an artificial formation of national-ethnic structure of the Ukrainian SSR and forcing international convergence to create a “single Soviet people”. Any statement or reference to Ukrainian national problems was regarded as a ground for harassment and persecution by the Soviet authorities and accusation of “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism”. It has been proved that Ukrainians were the dominant nation almost throughout the USSR in the outlined period. The number of Ukrainians increased exclusively trough natural population growth, while the number of representatives of the Russian nation increased as a result of internal migration. The article presents the idea that Ukraine was one of the centers of accumulation of immigration flows in the Soviet Union, and because of this fact the multicultural Ukrainian SSR society, which basically constituted of Ukrainians, gradually turned into a bi-national society, where the Ukrainian majority coexisted with the continuously growing Russian minority. Resettlements were carried out primarily for political reasons and their aim was to deprive the native people of their national characteristics – language, culture, and the like. Demographic, economic, and social processes that were spread under the slogan of “internationalist aid” substantially changed the proportion of native and settled populations in some regions.
EN
This article covers the oppression of Ukrainian national identity by the Soviet mass media, which served as an ideological tool of the communist government on the way of total russification and denationalization of Ukrainians over the 60’s and 70’s of the 20th century; censorship is being studied as one of the methods of state supervision over the control of the release of the mass media in order to restrict the dissemination of the ideas and information that were recognized by the then authorities as “undesirable” or “ideologically harmful”. The destructive role of the mass media in the narrowing of the national worldview of Ukrainians, the prohibition of the Ukrainian word, and the leveling of the national aspect in the Ukrainian ethnic environment in the defined period are highlighted.
EN
This article examines the position of the Ukrainian language in educational institutions of the USSR during the 60s and 70s of the twentieth century. It is shown that the Soviet government actively implemented the policy of Russification, the aim of which was the complete destruction of the national-educational space of Ukrainians. Numerous decisions and resolutions of the country’s top party leadership have laid a solid foundation for the introduction of Russian as the language of interethnic communication. In the field of education, the ideologues of communism tried to shift the emphasis from the national characteristics of Ukrainians to the “common” for all – the Soviet ones. Oppression of the native language has caused alarm among the Ukrainian public. Realizing that the Ukrainian language is the basis for the preservation and development of the Ukrainian nation, the Ukrainian intelligentsia led the movement to protect it. Disagreeing with Russification, Ukrainians used all possible forms of protest against it at the time. It came to the formation of open opposition to Khrushchev’s educational reform. Many letters were received by various levels of government, newspapers, and magazines from various publishers, whose authors were concerned about the unequal position of the Russian and Ukrainian languages and expressed their indignation at the functioning of a large number of Russian-language educational institutions. Ukrainians were encouraged to spread the Ukrainian language and take care of its further development, thus seeking to preserve their own national identity. And the Ukrainian language continued to live and develop in the thick of the masses.
EN
The text is devoted to those Sienkiewicz’s letters-features, letters-reports, letterscommentaries, letters-articles, letters-reviews in which the author of Quo vadis:1) verbalizes the situations of the „American Polish people” in the contemporary United States of America, 2) describes the Polish language they used, 3) expresses anxiety about its state, 4) analyzes the phenomenon of denationalization of the compatriots living abroad, 5) pays attention to the progressive Germanization and the linguistic-cultural Anglicization, 6) shows conflicts in the Polish organizations and institutions in America, 7) displays attachment to the Polish language of Helena Modrzejweska – distinguished theatrical personality. Letters from a journey to America (Listy z podróży do Ameryki) is a source of very valuable and diverse (also linguistic) information about the life of the 19th century Polish diaspora in America struggling not only with the material, but also spiritual, including linguistic, problems.
PL
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EN
This article investigates anti-Ukrainian language policy in Ukraine during the 60’s – 70’s of the twentieth century, whose main objective was artificial exclusion of the use of the Ukrainian language and the acceleration of the Ukrainians’ assimilation. Narrowing the Ukrainian language in higher educational institutions of Ukraine was felt especially painfully, where the younger generation of the Ukrainians was trained and brought up. Teaching most special and general subjects in higher education resorted to Russian more and more frequently. Those features of Ukrainian higher education showed the wealth of the national language, culture, facilitated the study of their national history, promoted a national idea, the ideas of Ukrainian statehood were leveled under the influence of the Russification policy. Also, the paper examines the denationalization of the titular nation – the Ukrainian SSR by the media, which were a part of the informational space of the Soviet totalitarian state. The article reveals the destructive role of the media in narrowing the Ukrainian national outlook and “undermining” their social and psychological stability, showing a ban on national-patriotic materials in the Ukrainian printed word, radio, television. Russification of all spheres of the Ukrainian people significantly reduced the use of the Ukrainian language and formed the status of its inferiority and laid the basis for all intensive large-scale assimilation of the Ukrainians.
EN
Restitution claims are divided in two groups. One of them questions legal continuity between the Polish People’s Republic and the Third Republic of Poland. As a non-sovereign country, Polish People’s Republic was supposed to become a “black hole” in the history of Polish statehood. Therefore its nationalisation and expropriation acts concerning restoration of the country from war damages and its development according to the principles of social justice should be considered void and the properties returned to their former owners. Private property is inviolable and should be restored. The second group of the claims recognizes legal continuity between Polish People’s Republic and the Third Republic of Poland but predicates that all nationalisation and expropriation decisions grossly violated the law and because of that should be cancelled according to mode supervisory procedures. The claims of both groups were supported by Institute of National Remembrance actions fighting “Communist regime’s crimes” and “Communist lawlessness” as well as in the programmes of the parties which would define postwar nationalisation as the plunder of inviolable private property, and also in Senat’s resolutions which regularly condemned “denaturalized” Polish People’s Republic. The large scale of restitution claims (at this moment they are approximately estimated at 250 billion zlotys) created a special type of “business” which is connected with numerous pathologies (frauds, forgeries, extortions etc.). The pressure coming from former owners’ inheritors and purchasers of their claims supported by signalled political-ideological actions unfortunately has affected the directions of administrative and judicial jurisprudence. It negated the meaning of acquisitive prescription (Civil Code, article No. 172) by assuming that the period of the Polish People’s Republic was force majeure (Civil Code, article No. 121, subparagraph 4 with regard to Civil Code, article No. 172) which made it impossible to start the limitation period or to stop it. Hence the Polish State could not prescribe the nationalised or the expropriated properties. The civil courts adjudge restitutions in kind or compensations for lost estate according to the Civil Code. In turn administrative courts started to cancel expropriating and nationalisating decisions without any censorship time and in this way started to run in civil courts the compensation from the State Treasury procedures. By cancelling these decisions, the administrative courts accepted incompatible with the Constitution interpretation of article 156 section 1 subparagraph 2 in fine with regard to section 2 Code of Administrative Proceedings. Incompatible because not limited with any censorship time. Currently ongoing restitution procedures with constantly growing range and pathologies connected with it are therefore based on incorrect understanding of applicable law. Claims of former owners or their legal successors can only have moral ground (sense of injustice) and because of that it is necessary to confront them with current public functions of estate taken over after the war and with rights of people who in the mean time obtained ownership as well as the possibilities of public finances. After balancing these causes (following the Constitution principles and values) and after having them accessed by a properly prepared referendum after which (with a positive result of it) an act about limited compensation with different subjective exemptions could be prepared. Reprivatisation proceeding today has therefore no legal ground and does a lot of harm. That’s why it should be stopped and settled according to supervisory proceedings.
PL
Na relacje zachodzące pomiędzy podstawowymi podmiotami stosunków międzynarodowych wpływa w znacznej mierze proces globalizacji, który w swą obecną, trzecią już, fazę rozwoju wszedł w latach 80. XX w. Najczęściej analizuje się go od strony ekonomicznej, politycznej, społecznej i kulturowej. Problem sprawia jednak określenie jego istoty. Dzięki wysiłkom nakierowanym na określenie głównych założeń globalizacji wiadomo jest coraz więcej o jej funkcjonowaniu. Nadal utrzymuje się niepewność co do tego, czym właściwie jest wspominany proces. Poszukiwanie odpowiedzi utrudnia brak jednej, powszechnie akceptowanej definicji globalizacji. Przyczyną tego jest ogromna złożoność owego „super‑procesu”, który obejmuje coraz to nowe obszary życia społecznego.
EN
Relations arising between main components of international relations are determined by the process of globalization. According to a hypothesis assumed in this article its power is channelled in various directions. At present the contemporary world has experienced a third wave of globalization, which according to professor Nuti started in the early 80’s of 20th century. In social sciences the analysed process is frequently taken into consideration from economical, political, social or cultural point of view. We know quite a lot about how the globalization works, but there remains a cloud of uncertainty about its true nature, the essence. Searching for the solution is more difficult, than one could presume because until now there is no consensus reached in terms of definition of globalization. Thanks to describing its main assumptions, we know how it works, but no one can tell what it really is. This hardship is mostly caused by enormous complexity of analysed „super‑process”, which still occupies new fields of the public life. There is, however, a glimmer of hope in the search for the essence of globalization, a trace which may lead researchers into cognition. This is interdependence of various spheres of social life.
PL
Litwa znalazła się pod okupacją Związku Radzieckiego w 1940 roku. Litewskiemu społeczeństwu narzucono sowiecką ideologię i proletariacki internacjonalizm w celu denacjonalizacji. Sowieckie władze poświęcały dużo uwagi rodzinie, w szczególności matkom, które wychowywały dzieci. Władze centralne zdawały sobie doskonale sprawę z tego, że matki odgrywały najważniejszą rolę w wychowaniu młodego pokolenia i dlatego wszelkimi sposobami usiłowały zaangażować je w pracę społeczną, przemysłową i polityczną. Sowiecka konstytucja gwarantowała równouprawnienie mężczyzn i kobiet a rodzina była uznawana za najważniejszą komórkę społeczną. Badania wykazały, że rodziny stawiały bierny opór sowieckiej okupacji. Najbardziej aktywną formą był opór duchowy i władzom sowieckim bardzo trudno było to stłumić. Chodzenie do teatru i kościoła było najbardziej widocznym czy oczywistym wyrazem oporu duchowego. Ważną formą duchowego oporu rodzin było też obchodzenie świąt narodowych.
EN
The Soviet Union occupied Lithuania in 1940. The Soviet ideology, proletarian internationalism were thrust to the Lithuanian society, and it was denationalized. The Soviet authorities paid much attention to the family, especially to a mother who educated children. The government acknowledged that her role in the education of the young generation was the most important, and therefore by all means it tried to attract women to the social, industrial and political work. The Soviet Constitution guaranteed the equality of men and women, and the family was regarded as the most important cell of the society. The research revealed that families resisted the Soviet occupation passively. The spiritual resistance was the most active, and it was very difficult for the Soviet authorities to suppress it. Going to theatre and church was the most evidently expressed form of spiritual resistance. An important form of the spiritual resistance of the family was the celebration of national festivals.
RU
Литва попала под оккупацию Советского Союза в 1940 году. С целью денационализации литовской общественности удалось навязать советскую идеологию и пролетарский интернационализм. Советская власть уделяла большое внимание семье, в особенности матерям, воспитывающим детей. Центральные власти понимали, что матери играли самую главную роль в воспитании молодого поколения, и поәтому всеми способами старались их вовлечь в общественную, производственную и политическую работу. Советская Конституция гарантировала мужчинам и женщинам равные права, а семья считалась самым важным общественным звеном. Исследования показали, что семьи оказывали довольно пассивное против советской оккупации. Самым активным сопротивлением являлось сопротивление духовное, которое для советской власти было очень трудно подавить. Посещение театра и церкви было наиболее реальным и очевидным выражением духовного сопротивления. Важную роль в духовном сопротивлении играло также празднование национальных праздников.
11
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EuropeanDemos: Democracy Deficit and National Feelings

80%
EN
The level and scope of European Union (EU) integration activities are showing the aspects of civilizational development with a huge impact on the world system of civilizations and make more evident the fact that the future of EU depends on the attitude of European policy-makers to the national, cultural, and political identities. Interest in the identities has been reinforced in recent years by the failure of EU Constitutional Treaty and further attempts to reach an agreement about the new Treaty. This failure stimulated cogitations on both the subject of Constitutional Treaty and the features of the Europeandemos. Spirited discussions pointed to the so called "deficits" - "community deficit", "legitimacy deficit" and, as a consequence, to the "democracy deficit". Thus EU future can be seen as depending on the removal of these "deficits". How can this be done under the prevailing political attitude of denationalization? The problem of Europeandemoswas aggravated by the enlargement of EU: new Member states are loaded with different historic experience and clearly visible features of national sense. National feelings have been the main force raising people for national liberation movement or national revival. This experience must be taken into account while discussing new political guidelines for the construction of Europeandemos. The social content ofdemos, including identity, common history and the sense of "unity in diversity", could be accumulated through the loyalties and bonds of affection to one's nation, culture, language, and historical myths; thus, the attitude of denationalization requires a modification.
LT
Santrauka Gilinantis į Europos Sąjungą (ES), kaip į pasaulinę civilizacijų sistemą keičiančio civilizacinio darinio integracinius procesus, aiškėja, kad ES ateitis priklausys nuo to, koks požiūris į nacionalinius, etnokultūrinius bei politinius tapatumus įsivyraus tarp šios bendrijos politikos formuotojų. Domėtis įvairiais tapatumais paskatino ES Konstitucinės Sutarties nesėkmė, sukėlusi svarstymų bangą apie naują Europos "išradimą" ar "pagrindimą". Keltas esminis klausimas - kas yra Konstitucinės Sutarties subjektas ir kokie europietiškojodemosbruožai? Išryškėjo ES būdingos demokratijos, legitimumo ir visuomenės stokos, tad tolesnė integracija įsivaizduotina kaip jų šalinimo vyksmas. Klausimas - kaip šitai galima daryti vyraujant politinei denacionalizavimo nuostatai, kuri buvo įtvirtinta dedant naujos Europos pagrindus? Politinę denacionalizacijos nuostatą palaiko pastaraisiais metais išplitę postnacionalinio tapatumo, europinio konstitucinio patriotizmo, taip pat besąlygiško svetingumo diskursai. Legitimumo ir kitokių stokų bei europietiškojodemosproblemos ypač suaktualėjo išsiplėtus ES. Priimtų valstybių visuomenėms ir tautoms būdinga kitokia istorinė patirtis, stipresni nacionaliniai jausmai, kurie ir padėjo išsivaduoti iš sovietinės okupacijos. Į šias jausenas būtina atsižvelgti svarstant europietiškojodemoskūrimo planus. Socialinį europinės visuomenės turinį derėtų kaupti ir kurti ne atmetant nacionalines jausenas, o pasitelkiant prisirišimą prie tautos, kultūros, kalbos bei istorinių mitų, tad kyla būtinumas keisti politinę denacionalizavimo nuostatą.
RU
Партийные идеологи советского тоталитарного государства искусственно разрабатывали и активно внедряли в жизнь титульной нации УССР новую советскую обрядность, главной целью которой было воспитать из каждого украинца русифицированного человека советского типа без национальной идентичности. и религиозных убеждений, с русским сознанием, менталитетом и языком. В статье доказано, что исконные церковно-религиозные традиции и обычаи украинского народа продолжали оставаться частью повседневной культуры украинцев. Религиозная деятельность представителей украинского этноса особенно наблюдалась во время празднования Рождества, Крещения, Пасхи и других церковных праздников. И хотя количество приверженцев религиозных обрядов в республике было разным – от меньшего на Востоке до большего на Западе, христианские ценности, вопреки атеизации, продолжали оставаться основой духовной жизни абсолютного большинства украинцев.
EN
The party ideologues of the Soviet totalitarian state artificially developed and actively introduced into the life of the titular nation of the Ukrainian SSR a new Soviet ritualism, the main goal of which was to raise from every Ukrainian a Russified citizen of the Soviet type without national identity and religious beliefs, with a Russian consciousness, mentality and language. The article proves that the ancient church and religious traditions and customs of the Ukrainian people continued to be a part of the everyday culture of Ukrainians. The religious activity of representatives of the Ukrainian ethnic group was especially observed during the celebration of Christmas, Epiphany, Easter and other church holidays. And although the number of adherents of religious rites in the republic was different – from less in the East to more in the West, Christian values, despite atheism, continued to be the basis of the spiritual life of the absolute majority of Ukrainians.
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