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EN
During the Soviet occupation of Polish eastern borderlands in 1939–1941 thousands of foresters were arrested and deported to distant regions of Soviet Union. They were forced to work and live in poor conditions. After German invasion on Soviet Union, foresters such as Polish citizens were granted amnesty, which gave them possibility to move from prisons and labor camps. Some of them decided to join Polish Millitary Forces formed on Soviet teritory. The aim of the Oki article is to review documents from archive of Hoover Institution related to Polish foresters serving in Anders Army. Paper consist of analytical part and annex enlisting more than 350 names of soldiers. List additionally contains data of foresters who left their memoires about their stay in Soviet Union.
EN
The presented article is devoted to the religious standing of Poles living in Żytomierz in the Soviet Union times. The author discusses the legal status of Roman Catholic parishes in Żytomierz and its nearest neighbourhood after the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917 and later on. Profiles of Żytomierz Catholic priests have been introducted who acted until the Soviet Union collapse in 1991. Furthermore, the author attempts to show the relations that the Żytomierz Poles held with Poland and her structures of the Roman Catholic Church during the USSR era.
EN
With the re-entry of the Red Army into Poland in 1944, another phase of Soviet repressions began. The internees (deprived of liberty without being sentenced by any judicial body) members of the Polish Independence Underground were held mainly in the camps subordinated to GUPVI NKVD. They were camps in Ostashkov, Ryazan and Borovichy, among many others. A special role was played by the „Smersh” counter-intelligence camp in Kharkov, to which high-ranking representatives of various divisions of the independence underground had been sent. Considering living conditions prevailing in those camps, it should be acknowledged that they depended enormously on the composition of the prisoners. In the camp in Ryazan, where mainly officers of the independence underground were kept, the living conditions were much better than in the camp in Borovichy, where the rank-and-file soldiers of the Home Army and the Peasants’ Battalions were imprisoned. This concerned a food system, sanitary and hygienic conditions, medical care, as well as type of work performed by the prisoners. The best living conditions were in the Kharkov camp, although the internees were completely isolated from the outside world.
EN
What Maria Karasińska has left behind, is a short diary “Memories from Siberia” (May 1940 – May 1946). It tells the reader that she was born in Lviv on March 25, 1914 and wanted to be pianist. Having graduated from high school, she started learning singing and piano at the Lviv Conservatoire. The war interrupted her education, and in 1940 (more specifically, the night of 12/13 April) she was deported with her family to Kazakhstan, to the East Kazakhstan Region. Karasińska, who was frail and feeble, had to perform heavy physical work, such as carrying heavy wet peat. Despite a series of sad experiences, diseases and death of her relatives, she persevered. She returned to Poland in June 1946 and continued to learn singing at the age of 33. For twenty five years or so, she gave concerts as a soloist at the Mining Philharmonic, later renamed the Silesian Philharmonic. She died on August 15, 2005 in Zabrze. She is remembered as a highly popular and respected artist.
EN
The article describes the process of detaining civilians by the agents of NKVD nad SMERSH (counter-intelligence agency in the Red Army) in the years 1944–1945, when the Red Army was entering to Central and Eastern Europe. The fortunes of arrested by soviets are presented by the example of one of three crucial camps located in Siberia, where people detained in 1945 were sent; between them there were also Poles – mainly from Eastern Pomerania and Upper Silesia. It was camp number 503 with its headquarters in Kemerowo. Basic historical records used in the study are reports written by the camp’s management to Main Administration for Affairs of Prisoners of War and Internees (GUPVI) and the witnesses’ accounts of their stay in the camp. The article describes the organization of the camp, living conditions of the detainees, the ways of employing them in siberian industry, question of deaths and comeback of these prisoners, who managed to survive the stay in the camp.
EN
The Crimean Peninsula have been home to many nations for centuries. The author of this article follows the history of the Crimean Tatars since their deportation in 1944, through return to their homeland and all the way to the events of the spring of 2014. The historical background, described in the first part of the article, helps to understand the subsequent political incidents. Social and political status of the Crimean Tatars and their relationships with their neighbours bear marks of the structural violence employed by the Soviets. The main part of the article is devoted to the deportation of the Crimean Tatars in May 1944 and its consequences. The cultural shock sustained by the Tatars had a direct impact on their identity. Their forced displacement has become a near myth in the creation of their national identity and ethnic otherness after their return. In the Russian and Tatar mentality, “Crimean Spring” awoke the old prejudices. In order to understand the events of the spring of 2014, one must know what happened in the spring of 1944. After 70 years, history turned around.
PL
Od stuleci Półwysep Krymski zamieszkiwały liczne narody. Autor podejmuje próbę syntezy dziejów Tatarów krymskich w XX wieku: od deportacji w 1944 r., poprzez ich powrót do ziemi ojczystej, aż po wydarzenia wiosny 2014 r. Pierwsza część stanowi wprowadzenie historyczne umożliwiające zrozumienie późniejszych, kluczowych wydarzeń politycznych na Krymie. Społeczno-polityczny status Tatarów na Krymie, jak również ich relacja do innych mieszkańców Krymu nosi piętno przemocy strukturalnej stosowanej przez władze sowieckie. Główny akcent artykułu poświęcony jest akcji deportacyjnej Tatarów krymskich w maju 1944 roku oraz konsekwencjom tejże kampanii. Trauma kulturowa, jaką wówczas doznali Tatarzy, zaciążyła na opcjach budowania ich tożsamości. Przymusowe wysiedlenie stało się wręcz mitem mobilizującym albo ikoną narodowej tożsamości w kreowaniu świadomości narodowej oraz odrębności etnicznej już po powrocie. „Krymska wiosna”, w mentalności rosyjskiej i tatarskiej, na nowo przywołała wcześniejsze uprzedzenia. Kluczem do zrozumienia wydarzenia wiosny 2014 roku jest historia wiosny 1944 roku. Po upływie 70 lat historia zatoczyła koło.
PL
W artykule zreferowano temat represji, które dotknęły szlachtę województwa grodzieńskiego za udział w powstaniu 1863–1864 r. Obejmowały one głównie deportacje oraz palenie majątków szlacheckich. Szczuki w powiecie grodzieńskim zostały spalone 24– 25.07.1863 r. (daty podane są wg starego stylu), deportowano 15 rodzin; Jaworówka w powiecie białostockim – spalone 18.08.1863, deportowano 14 rodzin; Penyashki, powiat Pruzhanski – 08.09.1863, 40 osób; Lukowica, powiat bielski – 20.09.1863, 42 rodziny; Prushanka-Baranka, powiat bielski – 24.05.1864, 11 rodzin. W ten sposób wykonano „plan Murawjowa”. Palenie majątków i deportacja mieszkańców w bliskiej perspektywie miała za zadanie zastraszenie szlachty i odsunięcie jej od ruchu powstańczego, by w ten sposób ugasić powstanie. W dalszej perspektywie konfiskata gruntów i nieruchomości miała podważyć stabilność gospodarczą szlachty, żeby nie mogla ona finansować kolejnych buntów. Majątki szlacheckie planowano zasiedlić rosyjskimi ziemianami w celu wzmocnienia „elementu rosyjskiego” w „Kraju Zachodnim”.
EN
The author talks about the deportation of the population and the burning of the gentry outskirts of Grodno province for participating in the uprising of 1863–1864. (Old Style date): Szczuky Grodno district (burned 24–25.07.1863 g, 15 families); Yavorovka Belastokski district (18.08.1863, 14 families); Penyashki Pruzhany district (08.09.1863, 40 persons.); Bulb county Belsky (20.09.1863, at 42 families); Prushanka- Baranka Belsky district (24.05.1864, at 11 families). Thus performed “Muravyova system”. Burning nobiliary outskirts of deportation and residents were to decide the next and perspective tasks. Initially intimidated gentry and detach it from the rebel movement and thereby extinguish the uprising. And the future of the gentry save land, property – undermining economic position that it does not fund future muggle revolt. In the gentry land it was planned to have a Russian landowners in order to strengthen the “Russian element” in the “Western Region”.
EN
The study, in outline, describes the issue of the wanderings of Polish deportee’s children in the Soviet territory, which followed the Soviet invasion of Poland on September 17, 1939. The author ponders the fate of the deportees in the Near and the Middle East, for whom the home and the family became a “paradise lost”. The idea “fatherland” is present in poetry and war memories of children and young people in exile. These memories, published in the Polish press in exile, are true reflection of experience, joy and painful reminiscences.
PL
Opracowanie, w zarysie, przybliża kwestię tułactwa dzieci polskich, ofiar deportacji, na terytorium ZSRS, będącej następstwem agresji sowieckiej Rosji na Polskę 17 września 1939 roku. Autorka snuje rozważania na temat dalszych losów deportowanych na Bliskim i Środkowym Wschodzie, dla których dom ojczysty, rodzina stały się „rajem utraconym”. Rodzina – dom ojczysty obecny w poezji i wojennych wspomnieniach dzieci i młodzieży na tułaczych szlakach, publikowane na łamach prasy polskiej wychodzącej na obczyźnie staje się wiernym odbiciem ich przeżyć, małych radości oraz bolesnych wspomnień.
EN
In December of 1947 in Foreign Department of Central Committee of Polish Workers’ Party appeared a note concerning difficulties with repatriation of Poles from the USSR. They concerned mainly relatives of members of the ruling party. The note contains descriptions of many formal problems concerning arrival of Polish citizens from the USSR. The document was created when the question of repatriation in Polish-Soviet relations was in fact frozen. Nonetheless, the problems described in the document prove that repatriation remained important issue for communist party in Poland.
EN
The article shows the questions of repatriation and citizenship in Polish-Soviet relations. Not all of Polish migrations from the USSR in 20th century could be recognized as repatriation. That is why author categorizes different migrations as „repatriation” or „resettlement” according to legal and historical issues. The article explains the relation between the terms „repatriation” and „Polish citizen” in different periods of contemporary Polish history.
EN
In recent years, the prospect of deportation after sentence has become an almost inevitable part of foreign national prisoners’ experience in the UK. Since 2006, the year of the so-called ‘foreign national prisoner scandal’, the development of increasingly stringent laws and deportation policies has been relentless. This included the introduction of ‘automatic deportation’ for certain categories of offences and lenghts of sentences; the development of a raft of early removal schemes, allowing for removal of prisoners during a sentence; the imposition of limits to legal aid in deportation cases and, most recently, an introduction of the ‘deport first, appeal later’ rule which limits the number of cases in which deportation can be challenged before the actual removal of the person beyond UK’s borders takes place. The perception of those prisoners as a particular ‘problem’ to be ‘managed’ rather than as individuals who need additional assistance and support, results in an overfocus on deportation to the detriment of their treatment while in prison custody. Foreign national prisoners regularly report lack of access to services in prisons, lack of interpretation and translation, confusion about the criminal justice process, isolation and loneliness. Both during and at the end of their sentences, they often receive little to no support with their re-integration needs. Foreign national prisoners often report difficulties in access to independent immigration legal advice and are rarely provided with any assistance at the time of deportation. This article is based on the author’s doctoral research with male Polish prisoners serving their sentences in Northern Ireland. In the course of the study, seventeen prisoners were interviewed either individually or in small groups between late 2013 and early 2015. The interviews took place in Maghaberry (high security) and Magilligan (medium security) prisons. In addition to interviews with prisoners, a small number of core prison staff responsible for equality and diversity policies were also interviewed, together with representatives of prison monitoring and oversight bodies. The study also included observations of aspects of the prison regime, and in particular the quarterly Foreign National Forum in each of the prisons. Although the main research did not specifically focus on the experiences or processes of deportation, this theme – inevitably – run through a number of research encounters. When speaking about their plans for life after release, most Polish prisoners linked those to staying in Northern Ireland; they wanted to go back to work, continue or re-establish relationships with their families and friends; settle back into the routines outside of the prison. They were, however, very mindful that their plans might come to an abrupt end if they were to be deported at the end of their sentences. The deportation process is complex and the anxiety experienced by Polish prisoners was often heightened by the lack of understanding of immigration law and procedures. Concerns about the lack of interpretation and translation of immigrationrelated documents; gaps in legal advice and confusion about the actual physical process of deportation defined the prisoners’ experience. Stories and advice about preparation for deportation were often exchanged in small group interviews during the research, with prisoners reflecting on previous experiences of people they knew to have been deported. The fact that much information was exchanged in that way, and on other ‘social’ occassions in the prison where the prisoners could meet in a group, meant that it was often contradictory and partial. The overall anxiety was made worse by the fact that prisoners had to often wait for a long time for their deportation decisions, only made aware of what they were towards the very end of their sentences, leaving them with little time to make practical preparations for removal. Adding to apprehension about the deportation process was the possibility of spending additional time in immigration custody in detention centres after their sentence has finished. Those who did not contest deportation were particularly keen to be removed directly from the prison to Poland and the potential for extended detention was a clear source of frustration. Overall, the research showed that Polish prisoners were still provided with minimal support, including at the time when they struggled to understand and navigate the deportation system. They appeared to be left almost entirely at the mercy of the prison and immigration systems, where information from solicitors can be scarce and where their experience is dominated by waiting – waiting for contact with lawyers; waiting for the deportation decision; waiting to be deported. While they wait, their plans for release are put on hold and their re-integration into the community is jeopardised as they are unable to prepare for their life after release while not knowing where that life will be.
EN
The article examines the attitude of the tsarist government towards the minor Polish nobility of Podole in the 1830s. Changes in social relations of the society of that time are studied, which came as a consequence of the Russian Empire’s corresponding socio-political and economic progress at the beginning of the 19th century. The social role of the minor Polish nobility of Podole is characterized in the new conditions of capitalist development. It is noted, that given the experience of the Polish uprising of 1830-1831, the autocracy saw the Polish nobility as a potential opposing force, therefore the Russian administration carried out repressive measures, which resulted in deportation to the Caucasus and the transformation of the entire Polish social stratum into a taxable category. In the conclusion, it is rightly noted that the existence of the state of the minor Polish nobility, according to the Russian authorities, threatened destruction of support for the feudal monarchy ‒ the higher nobility among other strata of the population.
PL
Artykuł analizuje stosunek władz carskich do drobnej polskiej szlachty podolskiej w latach trzydziestych XIX wieku. Badane są zmiany w stosunkach społecznych ówczesnego społeczeństwa, które stały się konsekwencją odpowiedniego postępu społeczno-politycznego i gospodarczego Imperium Rosyjskiego na początku XIX wieku. Scharakteryzowano społeczną rolę drobnej polskiej szlachty podolskiej w nowych warunkach kapitalistycznego rozwoju. Podkreślono, że biorąc pod uwagę doświadczenia polskiego powstania 1830–1831, autokracja postrzegała szlachtę jako potencjalną siłę opozycyjną, więc administracja rosyjska przeprowadziła represje, które doprowadziły do deportacji na Kaukaz i przekształcenia całej warstwy ludności polskiej w kategorię podlegającą opodatkowaniu. We wnioskach słusznie zauważono, że istnienie stanu drobnej polskiej szlachty, według autokracji rosyjskiej, zagrażało zniwelowaniem poparcia monarchii feudalnej ‒ najwyższej szlachty wśród innych warstw ludności.
UK
У статті розглядається ставлення царського уряду до дрібної польської шляхти Поділля в 30-х роках ХIХ ст. Досліджуються зміни у соціальних відно- синах тогочасного суспільства, які стали наслідком відповідного суспільно-політичного та економічного поступу Російської імперії на початку ХІХ ст. Харак теризується соціальна роль дрібної польської шляхти Поділля в нових умовах капіталістичного розвитку. Відзначається, що враховуючи досвід польського повстання 1830–1831 рр., самодержавство вбачало у цiй шляхтi потенційну опозиційну силу, тому російською адміністрацією були проведені репресивні заходи, результатом яких була депортація на Кавказ та перетворення цілої верстви польського населення в оподатковану категорiю. У висновках слушно відзначено, що існування стану дрібної польської шляхти, на думку російсько го самодержавства, загрожувало нівеляції опори феодальної монархії ‒ вищого дворянства серед інших верств населення.
Facta Simonidis
|
2015
|
vol. 8
|
issue 1
269-275
EN
Review of book: Sebastian Rosenbaum, Dariusz Węgrzyn (red.), Wywózka.  Deportacja mieszkańców Górnego Śląska do obozów pracy przymusowej w Związku Sowieckim w 1945 roku. Faktografia-konteksty-pamięć, Instytut Pamięci Narodowej – Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, Oddział w Katowicach, Katowice 2014, ss. 454
PL
Recenzja publikacji: Sebastian Rosenbaum, Dariusz Węgrzyn (red.), Wywózka.  Deportacja mieszkańców Górnego Śląska do obozów pracy przymusowej w Związku Sowieckim w 1945 roku. Faktografia-konteksty-pamięć, Instytut Pamięci Narodowej – Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, Oddział w Katowicach, Katowice 2014, ss. 454
EN
Researchers (Walters 2002; De Genova 2010) argue that deportations and their sheer possibility – the deportability of migrants – produce state sovereignty against the uncontrolled border-crossings, which are perceived by states as a disturbing symptom of ‘losing control’ (Sassen 1996). This article assumes a micro-perspective and, drawing upon the phenomenologically-informed concept of ‘state as lived experience’ (Correa 2013), it explains how state sovereignty is localized in the experience of a deportee. The narratives of 27 former deportees, expelled from the United States between 2006 and 2012 and interviewed back in their Mexican hometown, are the basis for the analysis. The author argues that a continuum of violence experienced by the migrants throughout the process of deportation reconstructs US sovereignty in lieu of an extralegal zone, the corollary of migrants’ unauthorized border crossings.
PL
Literatura dotycząca nowoczesnej państwowości wskazuje, iż zarówno deportacje, jak i sama możliwość ich dokonania, czyli deportowalność migrantów, wytwarzają suwerenność w obliczu niezgodnych z prawem międzynarodowych migracji, które postrzegane są jako „utrata kontroli”. W artykule podejmuje się, przy użyciu koncepcji „państwa jako przeżywanego doświadczenia”, próbę dialektycznego połączenia teorii dotyczących państwowej suwerenności z indywidualnym doświadczeniem osób deportowanych. Autorka, bazując na zebranych w Meksyku narracjach byłych deportowanych ze Stanów Zjednoczonych, opisuje, jak kontinuum przemocy doświadczanej przez migrantów w trakcie i po deportacji rekonstruuje amerykańską suwerenność w miejscu pozalegalnej strefy wytworzonej wraz z ich „nielegalnym” przekroczeniem granicy terytorium państwa amerykańskiego. W państwach narodowych przemoc wobec deportowanych odtwarza symboliczną granicę wspólnoty narodowej, natomiast nieobywateli dyscyplinuje, wytwarzając potrzebną suwerenowi rządomyślność. Ma ona transnarodowy charakter, bowiem bolesne doświadczenie deportowanych może ich zniechęcać do powrotu do Stanów Zjednoczonych oraz powstrzymywać niemigrantów przed „nielegalną” migracją.
Vox Patrum
|
1999
|
vol. 36
367-386
EN
The subject of the present article are the places of exile into which the east roman bishops were sent in late antiquity. In the period we are concerned about, the act of exile followed a simple procedure: firstly, the episcopal councils decided about the deposition (the bishops were deprived of their functional duties) and then the emperors officially announced it.
17
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Pochodzenie synagogi

51%
EN
The institution of Synagogue and the synagogue as the local zone of Jewish activities served three basic functions: socio-cultural, religious and educational. The origins of the Synagogue is dated differently depending on research environment: from reforms of Josiah till the Hasmonean period. Extreme opinions represent the pessimistic approach concluding that this is impossible to clearly establish the genesis of the institution of the Synagogue. The synagogue was born in the deportation environment of Babylonia with the main goal of preserving the ethnic and religious identity. It had liturgical, social, juridical and educative functions. It developed quickly in the Egyptian Diaspora during the Ptolemaic period and during the Roman rule. In Palestine the development was different. Institutional capacity of the Synagogue was realized in the activities of local synagogues in sacral, social, pedagogical and political context.
EN
The article is a description of the memorial place „Gleis 17” in Berlin. This place is a form of commemoration of the Jewish victims of deportations from the capital of Germany. The monument Gleis 17 is an initiative of the German Railway (Deutsche Bahn) and was established in 1991 on the historical place – station Berlin Grunewald where the Jewish inhabitants of the city where deported from to the ghettos and death camps. The article contains the details how the idea of the memorial place has been created and fulfilled. The appearance and meaning of single parts of the whole memorial complex are described as well. Furthermore there is a role of this place in the movie “Der letzte Zug” (The last train) mentioned.
PL
Artykuł jest opisem miejsca pamięci „Gleis 17” w Berlinie. Miejsce to jest formą upamiętnienia żydowskich ofiar deportacji ze stolicy Niemiec. Pomnik Gleis 17 powstał z inicjatywy Kolei Niemieckich (Deutsche Bahn) w 1991 r. na historycznym miejscu – stacji Berlin Grunewald, skąd żydowscy mieszkańcy miasta byli deportowani do gett i obozów zagłady. Artykuł zawiera szczegółowe informacje o tym, jak powstała i została zrealizowana idea miejsca pamięci. Opisano wygląd i znaczenie poszczególnych części całego kompleksu memorialnego. Ponadto wspomniano rolę tego miejsca w filmie "Der letzte Zug" (Ostatni pociąg).
EN
In the years 1940-1942 from the territory of Third Reich (today Germany and Austria) Nazis deported about almost 30 000 Jews. Big part of them were located in so called transit ghettos, mainly in Izbica, Piaski, Opole Lubelskie and Zamość where they were forced to stay since few weeks until few months. Since May 1942 the transports from Third Reich were sent directly to the death camp in Sobibór and some group of young and strong men were selected for work in Majdanek concentration camp or labour camps in Lublin district. All of them met themselves with big brutality of the German occupation in Eastern part of Poland, primitive life condition and hunger. All of them survived culture shock in the contacts with Polish Jews and non-Jewish milieu which created the big culture and religious conflicts. The situation of German and Austrian Jews deported to Lublin district was much more difficult than Czech or Slovak Jews who had more contacts with local Jewish and Polish population. This lack of big chance to survive was the reason that from the group of German Jews survived in Lublin district only 20 people. This article is a description of last moment of their tragical life and based mainly on the testimonies given by Polish Jews and Poles who were the witnesses of the fate of German and Austrian Jews. Some information is taken also from post-war German investigations against perpetrators.
PL
W latach 1940-1942 z terenów III Rzeszy (dzisiejsze Niemcy i Austria) naziści deportowali około 30 000 Żydów. Duża część z nich została umieszczona w tzw. gettach tranzytowych, głównie w Izbicy, Piaskach, Opolu Lubelskim i Zamościu, gdzie zmuszeni byli przebywać od kilku tygodni do kilku miesięcy. Od maja 1942 r. transporty z III Rzeszy kierowane były bezpośrednio do obozu zagłady w Sobiborze, a pewna grupa młodych i silnych mężczyzn została wytypowana do pracy w obozie koncentracyjnym na Majdanku lub w obozach pracy na terenie dystryktu lubelskiego. Wszyscy oni spotkali się z wielką brutalnością okupacji niemieckiej na wschodnich terenach Polski, prymitywnymi warunkami życia i głodem. Wszyscy przeżyli szok kulturowy w kontaktach z polskimi Żydami i środowiskiem nieżydowskim, co wywołało duże konflikty kulturowe i religijne. Sytuacja Żydów niemieckich i austriackich deportowanych do dystryktu lubelskiego była znacznie trudniejsza niż Żydów czeskich i słowackich, którzy mieli więcej kontaktów z miejscową ludnością żydowską i polską. Ten brak większych szans na przeżycie sprawił, że z grupy Żydów niemieckich w dystrykcie lubelskim ocalało zaledwie 20 osób. Niniejszy artykuł jest opisem ostatnich chwil ich tragicznego życia i opiera się głównie na relacjach polskich Żydów i Polaków, którzy byli świadkami losów Żydów niemieckich i austriackich. Niektóre informacje pochodzą także z powojennych niemieckich śledztw przeciwko sprawcom.
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