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1

The United Nations and States of Exception

100%
Szymanski C.
Baltic Journal of Law & Politics
|
2010
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vol. 3
|
issue 2
119-143
EN
The political and legal problem of a state of exception, whereby a state deviates from its normal constitutional and legal order in response to a real or perceived emergency, has generated much debate. Critics contend that the use of a state of exception really is an exception that swallows the rule, with the potential to corrode the entire legal order. The first part of this article explores international law's attempt to put limits upon countries use of state of exception, as enforced by Human Rights Committee of the United Nations. Secondly, the author looks at the broader question of whether or not the U.N., as a super-state, itself uses states of exception, and what, if any, limits are placed upon it.
2
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ZASTRZEŻENIA DO DECYZJI KOMISJI EUROPEJSKIEJ Z 28 PAŹDZIERNIKA 2016 ROKU W SPRAWIE ZMIANY ZWOLNIENIA DLA GAZOCIĄGU OPAL (SPRAWA C(2016)6950 FINAL)

100%
ZAJDLER R.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2018
|
issue 1(16)
52-63 (12)
EN
The investment process in gas infrastructure is often burdened with high investment costs and the risks associated with ensuring its viability. In order to achieve the public objective of security and stability of supply and competition in the natural gas market, while limiting the investment risk on the investor side of the new gas infrastructure, regulations have been introduced to allow the investor not to apply the legal requirements set out in Article 22 of Directive 2003/55/EC (amended by Article 36 of Directive 2009/73/EC) for a specified period of time and after fulfilment of the indicated requirements. The exemption granted by the European Commission to the OPAL gas pipeline by the decision of 28 October 2016 raises doubts as to the legal basis of such exemption and the fulfilment of the substantive conditions governing its granting. The article analyses the decision by criticizing the grounds and merits of its adoption.
3

Wprowadzenie wspólnej waluty euro w Polsce a konkurencyjność gospodarki

88%
Rubaj P., Ważna E.
Ekonomista
|
2018
|
issue 4
467-486
PL
Pełny udział Polski w Unii Gospodarczej i Walutowej obejmujący zamianę przez nasz kraj narodowej waluty na euro był i nadal jest przedmiotem licznych dyskusji i rozważań polityków, ekonomistów i ludzi biznesu. Potencjalne korzyści i zagrożenia związane z tym procesem są często tematem analiz i symulacji. Problem ten wydaje się szczególnie istotny w aspekcie konkurencyjności gospodarki. Kryzysy gospodarcze i finansowe ostatniej dekady sprawiły, że Unia Europejska, a przede wszystkim strefa euro, znalazły się w obliczu nowych zagrożeń, takich jak powolny wzrost gospodarczy, deficyty budżetowe oraz stale rosnący dług publiczny. Problemy stojące przed strefą euro ograniczają jej atrakcyjność dla pozostałych krajów UE utrzymujących narodowe waluty. Pomimo tych problemów, strefa euro jest jednak wyraźną przeciwwagą dla bardzo dużych i silnych gospodarek takich państw, jak: Stany Zjednoczone, Japonia, Chiny czy Indie. Warto więc próbować w obiektywny sposób przedstawiać korzyści i zagrożenia związane z wprowadzaniem wspólnej waluty przez Polskę, nawet jeśli klimat gospodarczy i polityczny nie sprzyja obecnie takim decyzjom. Artykuł jest jednym z głosów na ten temat.
EN
A full participation of Poland in Economic and Monetary Union including the replacement of national currency by Euro, has been the subject of many debates and discussions among politicians, economists and businessmen. Potential benefits and threats connected with this process are subject of many analyses and simulations. The problem seems to be particularly important in the context of the competitiveness of economy. As the result of economic and financial crises of the last decade, European Union, especially the Eurozone, have faced new development challenges, such as slow economic growth, budgetary deficits, and the rising public debt. These problems diminish the attractiveness of the Eurozone for the remaining EU countries. Nevertheless, the Euro area is still a counterbalance to big and strong economies, such as USA, Japan, China, or India. Therefore, it is worth considering the benefits and costs related to the possible introduction of the common currency in Poland, even if economic and political climate is not favourable no for such a decision. The paper presents the author’s view on the subject.
RU
Полное участие Польши в экономическом и валютном союзе, означающее замену национальной валюты на евро, было и все еще остается предметом многих дискуссий и размышлений политиков, экономистов и бизнесменов. Потенциальные выгоды и угрозы, связанные с этим процессом, являются частой темой анализов и симуляций. Эта проблема кажется исключительно существенной в плане конкурентоспособности экономики. Экономические и финансовые кризисы последнего десятилетия привели к тому, что Евросоюз, и прежде всего зона евро, оказались перед лицом новых угроз, таких как медленный экономический рост, бюджетные дефициты, а также постоянно растущая публичная задолженность. Проблемы, стоящие перед зоной евро, ограничивают ее привлекательность для остальных стран ЕС, сохраняющих национальные валюты. Однако, несмотря на эти проблемы, зона евро является заметным противовесом для очень больших и сильных экономик таких государств как: Соединенные Штаты, Япония, Китай или Индия. Поэтому столь важно попытаться объективно представить выгоды и угрозы, связанные с принятием Польшей совместной валюты, даже если экономический и политический климат не способствует в настоящее время таким решениям. Настоящая статья является одним из голосов на эту тему.
4
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Zagrożenie życia narodu jako przesłanka wstępna derogacji zobowiązań w dziedzinie praw człowieka

87%
Jasudowicz T.
Studia Prawa Publicznego
|
2020
|
issue 4 (32)
9-41
EN
To determine the fate of human rights in extreme situations, the treaties contain a mechanism for derogating from obligations, i.e. derogations from their enforceability in such exceptional situations. The initial and fundamental criterion under which derogation steps are admissible is the existence of an exceptional public emergency that threatens the life of the nation, as referred to in Article 4(1) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Article 15(1) of the European Charter of Human Rights, and about which Professor Anna Michalska wrote so competently in 1997. Neither the constitutions of modern states nor their practice of introducing states of emergency are helpful in defining this criterion more precisely; most often, they do not use it at all. Unfortunately, it is not to be found in Chapter XI of the Polish Constitution “States of Emergency”, nor in the laws of 2002 regulating these states. In the practice of the treaty monitoring bodies (Human Rights Committee in the ICCPR system; the European Commission and the Court of Human Rights in the ECHR system), we do not find incontestable nor indisputable indications. The concept of the “nation” is referred to society as a whole and is to be associated with its physical survival. In the author’s opinion, this is not the correct approach, as it is and must be about a “living nation”, a nation effectively exercising its rights. The enslavement of a nation, its subjugation, elimination of opportunities for its self-determination – far from its extermination – can unquestionably meet the requirements of the criterion of a threat to the life of the nation. The study of constitutional law (the nation-sovereign) and international law (the principle and right to self-determination of the nation) unequivocally confirms this thesis.
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