The main objective of this study is to examine the developments of political and economic relations between Poland and Sub‑Saharan Africa. The article is written from the Polish perspective. The author is fully aware that the perception of Sub‑Saharan Africa as a homogeneous region must result in multiple oversimplifications. However, an analysis of the Polish “African discourse” indicates that political and business elites are not aware of the heterogeneity of the continent and the latter is perceived as a “single unit”. The article demonstrates that after the eastward enlargement of the European Union in 2004 Poland realized its principal goal of foreign policy and did not attempt to redefine its role and place in international relations in terms of its potential and assets. Since 2013, the relations between Poland and Sub‑Saharan states have been intensified, but it is everything but clear whether it will become a permanent trend.
Stanisław Patek (1866–1944) was a diplomat, politician and lawyer; in 1921–1926 he was a Polish envoy to Tokyo, Japan, and till 1924 – an envoy to Peking, China. Patek’s analysis of the economic and political situation in the Far East in the 1920s was extremely colourful and accurate. He presented the whole plot of international events that determined the situation in that region, rivalries between great powers and their consequences for the world’s policy-makers. The processes and phenomena in that region were of special importance both for the Second World War with its impact on the international system in the second half of the 20th century, and for the modern day. The invasion of Japanese forces in Manchuria on 18th September 1931 was the first step to the implementation of great Japanese plans of expansion to China; in consequence Tokyo’s policy got closer to the policies of Berlin and Rome which led to the emergence of the Axis alliance. Divided and then united China, competing and fighting with Japan, gathered all the threads of politics of the great powers, such as Soviet Russia and the United States. China was becoming an integral part of world’s policy, although not to such a great degree as at present.
The subject introduced herein is not well known in Slovak and Hungarian historiography, and has been inquired into on the basis of new documents. In their reports from the years 1939–1941 until the very end, Soviet diplomats dealt with Slovak and Hungarian relations, and therefore this material serves as an interesting contribution toward understanding the relations between these two states. Slovakia’s foreign policy was hoping that the Soviet Union as a Slavic brother state would support Slovakia in the Hungarian-Slovak conflict. The rivalry between Hungary and Slovakia, when both states since 1939 were attempting to gain Hitler’s favor, eventually led to them even attempting to win points to military domain. Thus, both of the states became ensnared in the war against the Soviet Union, an effort which other satellite states also joined. According to Jozef Tiso, Slovakia needed to enter the war against the Soviet Union because it could thus gain a basis from which to regain its territories that had been annexed to Hungary. The relationship between both states was from the point of view of the foreign policy of the Soviet Union important because it was able to thus gain information about Germany, or as the case may be, it was able to restrain them from declaring war.
The article discusses the major steps on the long road to the establishment of full diplomatic relations between Polish People’s Republic and the Holy See, as well as efforts to ease the strained internal relations between the government and the Church. The political changes in the 70s led to renewal of the activity of the Common Commission consisting of the Church’s and government’s representatives. The article outlines the most important achievements of that commission and presents the drafts of legislation. It also presents the events that had finally led to the renewal of diplomatic relations in 1989.
In this paper I analyze the diplomatic activity of Jevhen Onacki and show his contribution into the development of Ukrainian studies in the twentieth century, especially in the history of Ukrainian culture, non-fi ction literature, and lexicography. I also explore the notion of nation-building ideas, their theory and applications.
The primary aim of this article is to analyze the Twitter communication strategy and its efficiency. The authors took into consideration four Ministers of foreign affairs from Great Britain, Poland, Ukraine, and Russia (their private accounts have also been examined). However, considering that Ministers of Poland and Russia did not have their own Twitter accounts (Witold Waszczykowski and Siergiej Lawrow), authors decided to analyze private accounts of Great Britain’s and Ukrainian’s Ministers (Boris Johnson and Pavlo Klimkin). All examined profiles are accredited. Because of the popularity of Twitter and the appearance of the new type of diplomacy, which involves social networking sites, the authors attempted to make a qualitative and quantitative analysis of given accounts. The results present the effectivity index and also show that spontaneously published messages on social media have a significant impact on how state institutions convey content. What is more, the qualitative and quantitative analysis and the effectivity index allows to present the tools needed for e-diplomacy on Twitter.
The main purpose of the article is to ask whether the European Union is a smart power actor. Most of the previous research has treated the EU as a soft power. This work is an analysis of the tools which the European Union uses in its foreign policy. Research has been conducted in the context of types of powers, which have been formulated by Joseph Nye: hard power, soft power and smart power. It was necessary to survey what instruments does the European Union use to have impact on other participants of international relations. Nowadays, a range of these tools is relatively developed, taking into account that the EU is an international organisation. In the conclusion, it is stated that the contemporary European Union should be treated as a soft power, but simultaneously it is an actor which attempts to become a smart power, and has relevant predispositions to it. Głównym celem artykułu jest zbadanie czy Unia Europejska jest aktorem typu smart power. Większość dotychczasowych badań traktowało UE jako podmiot typu soft power. Niniejsze opracowanie jest analizą narzędzi, jakimi posługuje się Unia Europejska w swojej polityce zagranicznej. Badania zostały przeprowadzone w kontekście typów mocarstw (potęg), jakie sformułował Joseph Nye. Mowa tutaj o hard power, soft power i smart power. W pierwszej kolejności należy zbadać jakim instrumentarium posługuje się Unia Europejska, by wywierać wpływ na innych uczestników stosunków międzynarodowych. Obecnie wachlarz tych narzędzi jest dość rozbudowany, biorąc pod uwagę, że UE jest organizacją międzynarodową. We wnioskach stwierdzono, że współczesną Unię Europejską traktować należy jako soft power, aczkolwiek jest ona podmiotem dążącym do stania się smart power, który ma ku temu odpowiednie instrumenty
After the dissolution of Austria-Hungary the role of the small Austrian Republic diminished. The article answers the question about the assessment of this situation by the Polish diplomacy. Both countries were new on the international scene of Europe and both were endangered by their neighbours. Warsaw was aware of the difficult internal and international situation of Austria and that is why, facing her own challenges to state independence and sovereignty, was not inclined to co-operate with Vienna. The Polish Government only focused on the possibility of transit of French military materials via Austria to Poland. But Polish diplomatic and military representatives were reporting news about Austria and her foreign relations. These reports show Poles’ good grasp of the whole complicated situation of Central Europe, providing a description of Vienna’s relationships with the Great Powers which won World War I and its smaller neighbours. Those opinions could be assessed as competent although in some aspects the role of Austria in international relations was exaggerated. Some reports prepared by Polish military representatives were misleading. They probably did not want to strenghten Germany through the Anschluss of Austria as Berlin was treated as Poland’s key enemy. Such an approach probably led to subjective anti-German and anti-Austrian opinions presented by them.
Federal Chancellor Dr. Bruno Kreisky overcame the peculiar isolation in Warsaw – Vienna contacts. The first major event in the history of mutual relations after World War II was a visit of the then Foreign Minister in Warsaw on 1-3 March, 1960. In the following years this politician paid four more visits in Poland as Chancellor in June 1973, January-February 1975, September 1976 and November 1979. The course of the visits and assessment of their effects provide insight into the role of Austria in the diplomatic activity of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the 1970s. The basic source of information on the assessment of Kreisky’s motives as a social democratic politician and a commentary on Austria’s foreign policy towards Poland is in the archives of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the years 1972-1980.
The author has attempted to provide a holistic view of the practice of confi rming the documents for the royal and princely towns in the area of Bohemia and Silesia (the area of Moravia has already been explored in this respect) by the ruler. Confi rmatory documents formed an integral part of the production of the writing offi ces of the rulers of both examined territories, i.e., the Czech kings and the princes of Silesia. Whilst in the case of Bohemia the issuer is unambiguous (the King of Bohemia), the issuers from the region of Silesia could have included the Silesian princes (including the Bishop of Wrocław), the Czech king and the royal starosts (governors) in the principalities directly subject to the Czech ruler as issuers. Generally, confi rmatory documents are deemed to have been diplomatic acts which confi rmed the existence of a legal reality. These included not only documents (alternatively confi rmatory documents issued in the form of a mandate), whereby the rulers confi rmed the prevailing legal acts of their predecessors, but also those which confi rmed acts of their subjects. A selection of merely one group of recipients was deliberate, notwithstanding the resultant, apparently incomplete image. Such an approach has its advantages, inasmuch as it allows the examination of the resources in a more compact form, and what is more, throughout two territories to some extent shaped by various traditions. The author focuses largely on several issues related to confi rmatory documents, notably on the differentiation between confi rmatory and dispositive documents. Both types are to some extent convergent, and sometimes the dispositive formula is present in some confi rmatory documents. Furthermore, dispositive documents are sometimes deemed to be one of the degrees of confi rmation. Nevertheless, in most cases notable is a variance in the usage of both types of documents. First, the author presents a quantitative review of the number of documents issued for particular towns. Was there a direct principle saying that the more important and richer the town, the more confi rmative documents are found? How can we measure the ‘validity’ and ’wealth’ of each of the analysed towns? Which towns can boast of confi rmations issued by the majority of successive rulers and which have to be satisfi ed with merely a few acts? This question needs to be explored also from a different point of view: we need to determine the role of confi rmatory documents in the policy of the rulers towards the towns as well as how it was refl ected in the different phases of the duke’s (king’s) reign. The motives behind issuing individual acts of confi rmation and the question what forced the towns to make efforts to have their privileges confi rmed are essential elements of the author’s inquiry. The reasons might have been both external, namely the position of the town’s ruler, and internal – problems inherent in the functioning of a given centre.
Diplomacy is one of the oldest mechanisms of managing the international environment. It is traditionally associated with operation of the state. However, in contemporary times the parameters of the international environment have changed considerably. States are no longer the only entities participating in international relations. Along with states, sub-state actors (regions and cities) have emerged, as well as supra-state (the EU) and non-state entities. Sub-state actors go through the process of repositioning in the contemporary international order: from being an object of management to building their own subject status in this respect. In order to achieve this goal, they increasingly use mechanisms and instruments which were the sole domain of the state until recently. Despite substantial attention paid to regional diplomacy, academic discussion has focused less on the increasing role of cities in diplomacy. The paper aims to introduce the concept of city diplomacy. It will be argued that cities have become important actors on the world stage, that they have developed diplomatic apparatus, and that city diplomacy is becoming more and more professional diplomatic activity.
PL
Dyplomacja jest jednym z najstarszych mechanizmów sterowania środowiskiem międzynarodowym. Tradycyjnie kojarzona jest z działaniem państwa. Współcześnie jednak istotnie zmieniły się parametry funkcjonowania środowiska międzynarodowego. Państwa przestały być jedynymi podmiotami uczestniczącymi w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Obok państw pojawiają się aktorzy subpaństwowi (regiony, miasta), suprapaństwowi (UE ) oraz pozapaństwowi. Aktorzy subpaństwowi przechodzą proces repozycjonowania się we współczesnym porządku międzynarodowym: z przedmiotu zarządzania do budowy własnej podmiotowości w tym zakresie. W tym celu coraz intensywniej sięgają po mechanizmy i instrumenty, pozostające do niedawna w wyłącznej gestii państwa. W literaturze przedmiotu sporo miejsca poświęca się paradyplomacji regionów, natomiast dyplomacja miast, jak dotychczas nie doczekała się należytej uwagi w debacie akademickiej. Celem artykułu jest syntetyczne przedstawienie koncepcji dyplomacji miast, analiza ich wzrastającej roli jako aktorów międzynarodowych oraz weryfikacja tezy, że dyplomacja miast staje się coraz bardziej profesjonalną aktywnością dyplomatyczną.
The publication by Jerzy Jaskiernia (Dyplomacja parlamentarna, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2022, p. 975) is subject to a scientific review. The author presented the content of the dissertation, trying to argue with its author, from the position of a representative of political science. The informative values of the fourth chapter were emphasised, along with the inspirational and organisational features characteristic of the remaining parts of the work. The polemic focused on the definitional view of the term diplomacy and the relationship of “parliamentary diplomacy” with the executive and legislative powers.
This article presents an attempted explanation of the passive stand taken by Peter I during the titular interregnum via a wider look at the Russian foreign policy of the period and, predominantly, relations with Austria. The author undermines the thesis proposed by Andrzej Kamiński about the psychological reasons for the tsar’s unwillingness to become embroiled in the Polish question, and supports the views of Vlodimir D. Korolûk, who emphasised strictly political determinants. Contrary to Korolûk, however, the article stresses the weakness of Russian diplomacy at the onset of the independent rule of Peter I and the isolation of Russia on the international arena. Dispatching K. Nefimonov to Vienna was an attempt at changing the prevailing situation. An analysis of the ensuing negotiations made it possible to perceive Russian efforts to avoid the inclusion of Poland into the new alliance, despite the option represented by Austria. The question why this ostensibly irrelevant issue proved to be an essential controversy between the tsar and the emperor opens an analysis of the negotiations conducted by Nefimonov about the future election. Their course displays evident Russian opposition towards Austrian plans of stimulating Russian policies in Poland. After all, Peter I tried to avoid accentuating his protest against the imperial plans, probably fearing that any dispute could harm the completion of an anti-Turkish alliance. Pertinent literature recognises the treaty signed at the beginning of 1697 as aimed also against Poland since close cooperation between the tsar and the emperor restricted Poland’s freedom. Actually, such hopes were cherished by the Austrian diplomats, who from the beginning of the Nefimonov mission urged Russia to sign an agreement concerning Polish issues, and after accomplishing the alliance tried to persuade Russia to acknowledge it as an obligation to assist the emperor in the course of the election contest in Poland. Since 1695 Vienna also tried to launch cooperation between Russia, Austria and Prussia in order to place upon the Polish throne a candidate approved by the neighbouring countries. Meanwhile, Russia was not interested in collaborating with Austria in Poland. The emperor expected the tsar to provide financial support in the election controversy, but Russia did not want to, and was unable to undertake such great costs. Moreover, Peter I, who at the time was debuting on the international scene, probably wanted to guarantee himself unhampered manoeuvre and refused to establish overly close ties with the emperor
End of the 1980s and early 1990s brought a complete change of almost all factors influencing the position of both Germany and Poland in the international arena. The two countries – for the first time in history – faced the challenge of regulating their neighborly relations based on democratic values and principles of international law. This situation was an opportunity to create the foundations of “good neighborliness and friendly cooperation”, but at the same time once again brought about the need to confront the past – especially the events dating back about 50 years. As it turned out, the two countries not only have not always been in agreement in the mutual perceptions of their place in the new political reality, but disagreed also in the interpretation of common history. In addition, they differ in their views on the shape of mutual relations and prospects for their development. The formal regulation of Polish-German relations in the form of agreements and treaties were confronted with different real-life practice – mainly because of the lack of political will on both sides, coupled with the weakness in terms of implementation of the above documents, and were not enough to solve a number of contentious issues. Also the constant presence in the discussion of current issues and disputes of the historical legacy and resulting burdens did not facilitate conducting a meaningful, to-the-matter dialogue. The article shows the place and role of the past history in contemporary Polish-German relations, how it is used in the political and social discourse, and how it affects the thinking and outlook of the two nations today.
The article reveals the processes of transformation of diplomatic activity of the state under the influence of the Internet information and communication services. Relevance of this problem is caused by new opportunities and challenges the state diplomatic service faces under conditions of existence of such cross-border communication media as the Internet. In particular, it includes the possibilities of establishing the channels of target audiences direct informing abroad and operational informing of the world community as for rather topical issues of the state foreign policy. In the present political conditions and limited (compared with Russia) media opportunities it is more important for Ukraine to use the Internet to deliver its position on urgent problems of its domestic and foreign policy.
The article presents the teaching of John Paul II on obstacles to the realization of peace addressed to diplomats. The Pope emphasized that the obstacles to the realization of peace have nothing to do with the pluralism of ideas and actions, and manifest themselves in painful clashes between people, groups, categories of people, nations and blocks of countries. They undermine the dignity and rights of man and the nation. They deepen mutual distrust and hatred, becoming a great danger to maintaining order in the international arena. John Paul II, speaking of peace, pointed out that it becomes increasingly distant in today’s world. Peace is at stake wherever the human spirit is oppressed by poverty or constrained by socio-political or ideological injunctions.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia nauczanie Jana Pawła II na temat przeszkód w realizacji pokoju skierowane do dyplomatów. Papież podkreślał, że przeszkody stojące na drodze do realizacji pokoju nie mają nic ze słusznego pluralizmu idei i działań i objawiają się w bolesnych starciach pomiędzy osobami, grupami, kategoriami osób, narodami i blokami państw. Podważają godność i prawa człowieka oraz narodu. Pogłębiają one wzajemną nieufność i nienawiść, stając się wielkim niebezpieczeństwem dla utrzymania porządku na arenie międzynarodowej. Jan Paweł II, mówiąc o pokoju, zwracał uwagę, że we współczesnym świecie staje się on wartością coraz bardziej odległą, że pokój jest zagrożony wszędzie tam, gdzie duch ludzki jest gnębiony przez biedę lub krępowany przez społeczno-polityczne czy ideologiczne nakazy.
The Aegean list has many different interpretations, for example the explanation of toponyms as a result of a military itinerary. This article discusses the possibility of a symbolic perception of this monument and tries to date the toponyms to the reign of Thutmosis III.
CS
Z období vlády Amenhotepa III. (1387–1348 př. n. l.)1 se dochovalo velké množství stavebních památek. Takzvaný egejský seznam, který byl nalezen v Amenhotepově zádušním chrámu na západním břehu Nilu v Thébách na lokalitě Kóm el-Hittán, jíž dodnes vévodí vstupní kolosální sochy panovníka – Memnonovy kolosy (obr. 2), stále podněcuje badatele k množství interpretací. Otázkou zůstává, nakolik může samotný seznam vypovídat o vztazích mezi Egyptem a egejskou oblastí.
In the Czech Republic, the history of the Czech refugees who used the “Balkan Way“ – that went through Hungary as well between 1939 and 1945 – is well known. However, due to the lack of knowledge of the Hungarian language, the Czech historians did not research the sources that can be found in the Hungarian archives. Although the Hungarian scholars could use those documents, they denied them, because – de iure – the Czech exiles weren’t refugees according to the Hungarian government during World War II. This essay tries to demonstrate that the National Archives of Hungary have important and nearly unknown documents about the Czech refugees. These people came through Hungary from the Protectorate of Bohemia-Moravia in order to join their Army in Exile in France or in the Middle East. The sources in the archives are documents of the Hungarian ministries, which can be essential for the Czech or Hungarian historians. By using them, we can examine the official treatment of the refugees in a broader perspective: for example, we can now answer questions like how the Hungarian government differentiated between the Poles and Czechs; or how could the Czechs reach Budapest after their illegal entry to Hungary.
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.