Search results

1

A rigid view of sovereignty in international diplomacy

100%

Stankiewicz W.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2010

|

vol. 39

273-291

EN

Sovereignty is a broad based concept which grants enormous powers to heads of states within their boundaries. That power may sometimes pave the way for the abuse of sovereignty. There are many cases throughout history where the States tended to use their sovereign powers beyond their limits and tried to extend their sovereignty in an abusive manner, either within or outside their territory.

2

Działalność Ambasady RP przy Stolicy Apostolskiej w okresie II wojny światowej

80%

Fokciński H.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

|

2014

|

issue 3(29)

315-322

EN

The basic aim of the article is to shed light on the section of the Polish diplomatic history during the Second World War, namely the activity of the Polish Embassy to the Holy See. The author remembers the person of the Polish Ambassador Kazimierz Papée and the difficult political circumstances accompanying his tenure. The research on this part of Polish‑Vatican history is hindered by the fact of destruction of the documents or still inaccessible archives from that period of time.

3

Wrogowie naszych sojuszników. Kwestia (nie)istnienia stanu wojny między Polską a Włochami. 1940

80%

Hułas M.

Białostockie Teki Historyczne

|

2017

|

vol. Białostockie Teki Historyczne, 2017, tom 15

EN

The article presents the Polish government’s attitude to the issue of participation of Poland in the war against Italy. On the one hand, it was affected by direct Polish interests, which required the policy of restraint (moderation) without getting involved in this conflict and, on the other hand, by Poland’s obligations as an ally of France and Great Britain, which were at war against Italy since 10th June, 1940. This problem became particularly acute when likelihood of a potential military conflict between Polish and Italian forces increased due to the deployment of Carpathian Rifle Brigade first to Palestine and then to Egypt. In result of the conviction that maintenance of political compliance between Poland and Great Britain was a supreme objective, on 19th August 1940 Polish government agreed to use Polish forces against the Italian army. Nevertheless, this consent did not entail that Poland declared war against Italy. Polish government claimed that it was exempted from such a decision because after 17th September 1939, French and British governments did not declare war against the Soviet Union against which Poland, in turn, was at war. Although the analogy invoked by the Polish government was debatable, it provided a possibility of reminding the British ally that Poland was also a victim of Soviet expansion in the face of increasingly intensive critique of the USSR after the annexation of Baltic States, Bessarabia and Northern Bucovina. The article has been mostly based on resource materials. Documents of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs from the Hoover Institute collection, whose microfilms were handed over to the Central Archives of Modern Records and then made available online in the Integrated Archive System, were particularly important. Documents from the Polish Institute and Sikorski Museum in London were also used herein and, additionally, documents from the British National Archives. A query in Italian archives was not carried out for the needs of this article; yet published Italian documents were used herein.

4

Diplomacy in the postmodernity

80%

Łoś-Nowak T.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2010

|

vol. 39

7-29

EN

Considerations devoted to postmodern diplomacy should be preceded by reflection on the phenomenon of postmodernity, because everything, what it expresses, creates some kind of depth of causative powers of changes, which affect diplomacy, traditionally connected with state, its foreign policy, raison d’état, reasons and interests, to realisation of which it should serve. The diplomat’s mandate is still a mandate coming from state, which they represent and on behalf of which they act. However, on the other hand, diplomatic functions are more and more often attributed to non-state subjects, which have different objectives and tasks to accomplish.

5

60 years of diplomatic relations between Poland and the People’s Republic of China – historical review

80%

Burdelski M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2011

|

vol. 40

211-237

EN

The diplomatic relations between Poland and China had been established before World War II. The new stage in the relations has started on October 7, 1949, when Poland oficially recognized the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which was declared on October 1, 1949. Therefore, in 2009, we had two anniversaries: the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of china and the 60th anniversary of establishing the diplomatic relations between Poland and PRC. This gives the opportunity to summarize mutual relations. Those 60 years have been filled with positive stories, which had significant influence on the development of bilateral relations. However, one can also find dificult, even tragic moments during the history of these two nations. Those uneasy moments had also direct impact on mutual relations.

6

Konstytucja 3 maja w relacji posła brytyjskiego Daniela Hailesa

80%

Krysztopa-Czupryńska B.

Przegląd Sejmowy

|

2023

|

issue 6(179)

13-34

EN

George III’s extraordinary envoy Daniel Hailes was stationed in Warsaw in the years 1788–1792. On the one hand, he was an astute observer of the Polish political scene, capable of making an accurate and in-depth analysis of the events described, as evidenced by his extensive reports sent to the Foreign Office in London. On the other hand, when reporting on the May coup in the Commonwealth and the changes it aroused, the diplomat was unable to be completely impartial. This became clearly evident from the autumn of 1791 onwards when the envoy’s reports increasingly contained unduly harsh criticism of the reformers and their great work.

7

Okoliczności budowy stosunków dyplomatycznych pomiędzy Polską a Jugosławią w 1918 roku

80%

Morawski K. S.

Historia i Polityka

|

2013

|

issue 10(17)

95-114

EN

Officially, diplomatic relations between Poland and Yugoslavia commenced mid-January 1919. However, representatives of both countries had established and nurtured close cooperation already in the last quarter of 1918. As a matter of fact, the Polish and Serbian nations established some forms of cooperation with in the mid-nineteenth century, when both sought to implement major policy objectives. Circumstances surrounding the establishment of Polish-Yugoslavian diplomatic relations were reflected in the complicated political situation of both the Polish and Yugoslav peoples after the end of World War I. The present study focuses mainly on this particular issue and its aspects.

8

Československo nad propastí : odpověď

61%

Lukeš I.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

|

2016

|

vol. 23

|

issue 1-2

171-185

EN

a2_The author devotes most of his reply to Smetana´s review, ''Na pomezí historického románu'' (Almost a Historical Novel), ibid., pp. 524-39), which he considers to be biased, unfair, and unfriendly. He focuses on three points that Smetana has criticized him for: his allegedly ignoring a large part of the historiography on the subject, the alleged dubiousness of some of the facts he presents, and his allegedly one-sidedly negative assessment of Ambassador Steinhardt´s work in Czechoslovakia. The author rejects Smetana´s arguments and finds nothing positive to say about his review.

CS

Autor se polemicky vrací ke třem komentářům v minulém čísle Soudobých dějin, které byly věnovány anglickému a českému vydání jeho poslední knihy (On the Edge of the Cold War: American Diplomats and Spies in Postwar Prague. New York, Oxford University Press 2012; Československo nad propastí: Selhání amerických diplomatů a tajných služeb v Praze 1945-1948. Praha, Prostor 2014). Autory těchto recenzních statí jsou Petr Mareš, Vít Smetana a Jan Koura. V Marešově stati (Historie ve službách příběhu. In: Soudobé dějiny, roč. 22, č. 3-4, 2015, s. 504-523) Lukeš nachází vyvážené hodnocení své knihy a nové podněty k přemýšlení. S některými jeho výtkami souhlasí, s jinými vede diskusi. Jádrem této diskuse je osobnost a role poválečného velvyslance Spojených států v Československu Laurence A. Steinhardta, jemuž Lukeš vytýká především laxní výkon funkce a preferování jeho soukromých zájmů před státní službou, což Mareš relativizuje. S příspěvkem Jana Koury (Selhání, nebo spíš změna amerických priorit? In: Tamtéž, s. 540-546) autor polemizuje o významu americké veřejné diplomacie v poválečném Československu. Recenzentova kritika, že iniciativy americké ambasády na tomto poli zanedbal, podle Lukeše příliš neobstojí, neboť to byly snahy naprosto nedostatečné a opožděné. Nejvíce místa věnuje autor recenzi Víta Smetany (Na pomezí historického románu. In: Tamtéž, s. 524-539), kterou považuje za předpojatou, neseriózní a nekolegiální. Polemicky se zaměřuje na několik bodů, které mu Smetana vytýká: ignorování velké části odborné literatury, nevěrohodnost některých uváděných faktů, jednostranně negativní hodnocení československého působení velvyslance Steinhardta. Jeho argumenty odmítá a na celé jeho kritice nenachází nic pozitivního.

9

Polska – Stolica Apostolska. Poland and the Holy See, red. Wojciech Biliński, Warszawa 2019

61%

Krochmal J.

Miscellanea Historico-Archivistica

|

2020

|

vol. 27

372-381

PL

recenzja

EN

Review

10

Polska – Stolica Apostolska. Poland and the Holy See, red. Wojciech Biliński, Warszawa 2019

61%

Krochmal J.

Miscellanea Historico-Archivistica

|

2020

|

vol. 27

372-381

11

O Brasil e a independência da Polônia em 1918

51%

MAZUREK J.

Revista del CESLA. International Latin American Studies Review

|

2017

|

issue 20

151-164

PT

O Brasil foi o primeiro país da América Latina a reconhecer a independência da Polônia, o que foi um grande sucesso da comunidade polônica brasileira, e sobretudo de Kazimierz War-chałowski. A sua energia, obstinação e devotamento conduziram a efeitos em que poucos an-teriormente acreditavam. Isso foi o coroamento dos quinze anos da sua estada no Brasil, du-rante os quais conheceu preeminentes políticos brasileiros, entre os quais Rui Barbosa e os presidentes do Brasil Venceslau Brás e Nilo Peçanha. O envolvimento deles na causa da Po-lônia era também o sinal das crescentes aspirações do Brasil a desem¬pe¬nhar um papel mais importante na arena internacional. A I Guerra Mundial trouxe para a Po¬lônia a independência, e para o Brasil, um lugar à mesa da Conferência da Paz em Versalhes. Todos os postulados do Brasil foram aceitos. Graças ao envolvimento na guerra, ampliou-se o significado interna-cional do Brasil.

EN

Brazil was the first country in Latin America that after World War I recognized Poland’s in-dependence. This was a great success for the Brazilian Polonia, especially for Kazimierz Warchałowski. His energy, obstinacy and dedication led to effects in which few previously had believed. This meant the completion of the fifteen years of his stay in Brazil. He had known during this period preeminent Brazilian politicians, such as Rui Barbosa, the presi-dents Venceslau Brás and Nilo Peçanha. Their engagement in the Polish cause was also a sign of Brazil’s growing aspirations to play a more important role in the international arena. World War I brought Independence to Poland and, to Brazil, a place at the Peace Conference table in Versailles. All Brazilian postulates were accepted there. Thanks to the involvement in the war Brazil saw a growth in its international significance.

12

Україна та арабські держави Леванту (Сирія, Ліван, Йорданія): передумови та обставини встановлення дипломатичних відносин

51%

Gergel Y.

Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки

|

2016

|

issue 25

XX

The article sheds the light on preconditions and circumstances of the establishment of diplomatic relations and the exchange of diplomatic missions between Ukraine and the Arab states of the Levant (Syria, Lebanon, Jordan). Characterizing the efforts of the young independent Ukrainian state, aimed at building relations with these countries, the author discovers both objective and subjective reasons of protracted establishment of the Levant state's diplomatic presence in Ukraine. At the same time, using a wide range of first published sources from Ukraine embassies in these countries, the author shows difficult conditions of the Ukrainian diplomats work, describes the process of opening diplomatic missions, defines the failures of Ukrainian diplomacy and the Levant leaders' official position toward Ukraine at that time. Despite a large number of publications on the Ukrainian Middle East policy and its perspectives, this article for the first time shows the history of formation of bilateral relations between Ukraine and the Levant states from the very beginning - the declaration of the Ukrainian independence.

13

Misja dyplomatyczna marszałka wielkiego litewskiego Marcjana Dominika Wołłowicza do Moskwy w latach 1710–1711

51%

Šapoka M.

Historia Slavorum Occidentis

|

2022

|

issue 4(35)

137-163

EN

The diplomatic mission of Marcjan Dominik Wołłowicz to Moscow took place at a crucial moment, marked by the collapse of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the rise of Russia’s power. This article shows how the mission was organized, the difficulties encountered and why it failed.

14

Przełom w relacjach amerykańsko-kubańskich

51%

Gwiazda A.

Przegląd Geopolityczny

|

2017

|

vol. 19

114-123

PL

W grudniu 2014 roku, po ponad półwieczu nawiązano stosunki dyplomatyczne między Stanami Zjednoczonymi a Kubą. Był to jeden z sukcesów w polityce zagranicznej prezydenta Baracka Obamy, który w marcu 2015 roku złożył wizytę w Hawanie. Wizyta ta oznaczała koniec izolacji Kuby, ale nie doprowadziła do pełnej normalizacji stosunków ani do zniesienia embarga handlowego nałożonego przez USA na Kubę w 1962 roku. Będzie to możliwe dopiero wtedy, kiedy władze Kuby spełnią wymogi ustawy Helmsa-Burtona i wypłacą odszkodowania za znacjonalizowane mienie firm amerykańskich, oraz znacznie zliberalizują obecny system polityczno-gospodarczy.

EN

The political and economic relations between the United States and Cuba have been “frozen” for over 50 years. Only in December 2014 the diplomatic relations between those two states were restored. It was one of the rare achievements of the foreign policy of the president Barack Obama, who in March 2015 paid an official visit in Havana. That visit has brought about in practice the end of Cuba's isolation, but has not led to the full normalization of the political and economic relations. The trade embargo was laid on Cuba by the United States in 1962 and can be eliminated (removed) only by the Congress when the Cuban government will meet the requirements of the Helms-Burton law. They include financial compensation for the nationalized property of the American companies and significant change in the existing political and economic system.

15

The Diplomatic Corps of German Consulates in Soviet Ukraine (1922–1938)

51%

Vovchuk L.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

|

2023

|

vol. 22

|

issue 1

205-229

PL

W artykule przeanalizowano działalność niemieckich instytucji konsularnych na terenie sowieckiej Ukrainy w latach 1922–1938. Niemieckimi przedstawicielami konsularnymi działającymi w ukraińskich miastach byli zawodowi dyplomaci, posiadający wyższe wykształcenie, doskonałą znajomość języków obcych oraz głęboką wiedzę z zakresu historii, geograﬁi, statystyki, ekonomii politycznej i prawa międzynarodowego. Działając na Ukrainie konsulowie niemieccy poważnie traktowali swoje obowiązki służbowe: normalizację dwustronnych stosunków handlowo-gospodarczych, nawiązywanie więzi kulturowych, ochronę i pomoc obywatelom niemieckim mieszkającym w okręgu konsularnym. Jednym z ważnych aspektów działalności konsularnej było pełnienie funkcji „szpiega honorowego”.

EN

This paper focuses on the study of the activity of German consular institutions on the territory of Soviet Ukraine during 1922–1938. German consular representatives operating in Ukrainian cities were career diplomats, who had higher education, a perfect command of foreign languages, and deep knowledge in the ﬁelds of history, geography, statistics, political economy, and international law. While operating in Ukraine, German consuls were taking their ofﬁcial duties seriously: normalization of bilateral trade and economic relations, the establishment of cultural ties, as well as protection and assistance to German citizens living within the consular district. One of the important aspects of consular activity was the performance of the “honorary spy” functions.

16

Działalność Antonio Pucciego jako kardynała protektora Polski w świetle dziennika podróży do Włoch 1540-1541 Jana z Ocieszyna Ocieskiego

41%

Hirsch M.

Nasza Przeszłość. Studia z dziejów Kościoła i kultury katolickiej w Polsce

|

2018

|

vol. 129

39-65

PL

Dziennik podróży do Włoch 1540-1541 czyli relacja z poselstwa do Rzymu Jana z Ocieszyna Ocieskiego, stanowi doskonałe źródło dotyczące życia i działalności Antonio Pucciego oraz samej funkcji kardynała-protektora Polski. Zapiski z ponad półrocznego pobytu królewskiego posła w Wiecznym Mieście stanowią również doskonałe świadectwo zakulisowych rozgrywek, ścierania się różnych stronnictw politycznych, jakie toczyły się na dworach Zygmunta Starego oraz papieża Pawła III. Wreszcie na podstawie relacji dowiadujemy się wiele na temat samej osoby kardynała Antonio Pucciego, jego charakterze, stosunku do Polski, Polaków oraz jego sympatiach politycznych. Warto bowiem pamiętać, że urząd protektora Polski przy papieżu był kluczowym urzędem w kontaktach dyplomatycznych ze Stolicą Apostolską. Dlatego poznanie kardynała-protektora stanowi podstawę dla zrozumienia całej polityki Zygmunta Starego względem papiestwa.

EN

A diary of a journey to Italy 1540-1541 is a report from a mission to Rome of Jan Ocieski from Ocieszyn in his capacity as a legate. It is a perfect source of information about life and activity of Antonio Pucci and the office of cardinalprotector for Poland. Notes from his over-half-a-year stay in the Eternal City are also a testimony of hidden games and quarrels among political groups which raged in the courts of Sigismund August and pope Paul III. We also learn a lot about the cardinal Pucci, his character, his relation to Poland, Poles and his political inclinations. It’s good to know that the protector’s office for Poland (as part of papal administration) was a key office in diplomatic relations with the Holy See. Hence, to know the cardinal- protector is basic to understanding the whole papal policy of Sigmund August.

17

Rusko britskýma očima. Obraz Ruska přelomu 18. a 19. století v britské cestopisné literatuře

41%

Jašková K.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

|

2011

|

vol. 97

|

issue 5

505-545

EN

This study identifies selected British travelogues as one of possible sources used to examine an image of the Russian Empire which was being created in Britain at the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th centuries. The given source contributed significantly to dissemination of information concerning Russia, primarily from a cultural social perspective. The first part of the study describes a political climate and diplomatic relations between European powers at the turning point, i.e. the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th centuries. This is followed by recounting life stories of British visitors and stating purposes of their travels. The third and crucial part focuses on a detailed analysis of selected issues, i.e. individual impressions and knowledge gained by selected Britons. Thus the aim of the study is to analyse individual travelogues and show what image of the Russian Empire may have been formed from all the acquired information in Britain at that time.

18

US relations with Eastern Europe Realities and perspectives

41%

Lakatos A.

Dvacáté století - The Twentieth Century

|

2015

|

vol. 7

|

issue 1

10-23

EN

This paper refers on several issues related to American relations with several states from Central and Eastern Europe. The evolution of these are analyzed in great lines during the twentieth century, followed by a most consisting analysis regarding evolutions of recent events, from the end of Cold War. There are presented the evolution of these relations, from general and specific (the case of each state in part) point of view, major stimulants and lacks of their evolution, and are projected several perspectives which can influence the future evolution of these. In conclusion, are presented the main arguments of possible future changes and developments in this field, in the larger context of worldwide existing realities.

CS

Studie pojednává o událostech týkajících se amerických vztahů s vybranými zeměmi střední a východní Evropy. Vývoj šířeji analyzovaných vztahů v průběhu 20. století následují analýzy soustředící se zejména na vývoj nedávných událostí od konce studené války. Vývoj vztahů je zde prezentován od obecného pohledu až ke konkrétním událostem (případy z jednotlivých států), studie také analyzuje hlavní podněty a nedostatky vývoje, rovněž předkládá několik perspektiv, které mohou ovlivnit budoucí vývoj těchto vztahů. Autor na závěr předkládá hlavní důvody možných budoucích změn a pro rozvoj v této oblasti v širším kontextu současných světových událostí.

19

Dyplomacja Rzeczypospolitej wobec Rosji w początkach panowania Władysława IV Wazy (1632-1635)

41%

Mucha M.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

|

2021

|

issue 108

33-64

EN

The subject of this article thesis is Polish-Russian diplomatic relations in the early years of the reign of Wladislaw IV Vasa (1632–1635). The thesis focuses on the diplomatic activities conducted between the two countries during the Smolensk war in the years 1632–1634 and immediately after the end of the war. A particularly important issue is the Polish and Russian envoys exchanged in order to ratify peace of Polyanovka.

PL

Tematem artykułu są polsko-rosyjskie stosunki dyplomatyczne w pierwszych latach panowania Władysława IV Wazy (1632–1635). Praca koncentruje się na aktywności dyplomatycznej prowadzonej między obu krajami podczas wojny smoleńskiej w latach 1632–1634 i tuż po jej zakończeniu. Szczególnie ważny wątek stanowią wzajemne poselstwa odbywane w celu ratyfikacji pokoju polanowskiego.

20

Diplomatic Missions of the Holy See in Hungary and East-Central Europe after the Second World War

36%

Balogh M.

Central European Papers

|

2014

|

vol. 2

|

issue 1

88-114

EN

Diplomatic relations are established by the Holy See and not by the Vatican, therefore it is accurate to speak about the diplomatic relations of the Holy See and not that of the Vatican. This analysis would like to outline how the representatives of the Holy See, assigned to the East-Central European countries, could work in the new political situation after World War II. It tries to set it in the context of the new social, political and geographical field, which this region entered as an area occupied by the Red Army. In the interwar period the Holy See concluded concordats with some countries of the East-Central European region (with Poland, Romania, the German Reich, Austria and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes; it signed a ‘modus vivendi’ with Czechoslovakia and concluded the Lateran Treaty with Italy). In the case of Hungary, a so-called ‘intesa semplice’ entered into force in 1927 that was not a bilateral, international treaty, this is why it is called “simple agreement”. Yet in general it is true that between 1944/45 and 1947/48 it was in the interests of nearly every East-Central European government to show religious tolerance to some extent and maintain connections with the Holy See. Marxism was not an insurmountable obstacle for the Holy See, since it had diplomatic relations with Muslim countries as well. Rome distinguishes between governments and ideologies; namely, it represents an intransigent position as regards ethical or religious principles, at the same time it does not refuse to enter into negotiations with any political figure or group. However, in the long run the Papal Nunciatures were not allowed to remain in the countries of the Soviet sphere of influence, whether or not the given country was on the winning or losing side of the war.

Refine search results

A rigid view of sovereignty in international diplomacy

Działalność Ambasady RP przy Stolicy Apostolskiej w okresie II wojny światowej

Wrogowie naszych sojuszników. Kwestia (nie)istnienia stanu wojny między Polską a Włochami. 1940

Diplomacy in the postmodernity

60 years of diplomatic relations between Poland and the People’s Republic of China – historical review

Konstytucja 3 maja w relacji posła brytyjskiego Daniela Hailesa

Okoliczności budowy stosunków dyplomatycznych pomiędzy Polską a Jugosławią w 1918 roku

Československo nad propastí : odpověď

Polska – Stolica Apostolska. Poland and the Holy See, red. Wojciech Biliński, Warszawa 2019

Polska – Stolica Apostolska. Poland and the Holy See, red. Wojciech Biliński, Warszawa 2019

O Brasil e a independência da Polônia em 1918

Україна та арабські держави Леванту (Сирія, Ліван, Йорданія): передумови та обставини встановлення дипломатичних відносин

Misja dyplomatyczna marszałka wielkiego litewskiego Marcjana Dominika Wołłowicza do Moskwy w latach 1710–1711

Przełom w relacjach amerykańsko-kubańskich

The Diplomatic Corps of German Consulates in Soviet Ukraine (1922–1938)

Działalność Antonio Pucciego jako kardynała protektora Polski w świetle dziennika podróży do Włoch 1540-1541 Jana z Ocieszyna Ocieskiego

Rusko britskýma očima. Obraz Ruska přelomu 18. a 19. století v britské cestopisné literatuře

US relations with Eastern Europe Realities and perspectives

Dyplomacja Rzeczypospolitej wobec Rosji w początkach panowania Władysława IV Wazy (1632-1635)

Diplomatic Missions of the Holy See in Hungary and East-Central Europe after the Second World War