Search results - CEJSH

1

Kamil Aksiuto, rec. [Maria Marczewska-Rytko (ed.), Handbook of Direct Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989

100%

Aksiuto K.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia

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2018

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vol. 25

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issue 2

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Barbara Węglarz, Ewolucja lokalnej demokracji bezpośredniej w Polsce po 1989 roku, Księgarnia Akademicka. Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej, Kraków 2013, ss. 203.

71%

Rachwał M.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2014

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issue 4

215-217

EN

Book Reviews: Barbara Węglarz, Ewolucja lokalnej demokracji bezpośredniej w Polsce po 1989 roku, Księgarnia Akademicka. Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej, Kraków 2013, ss. 203.

PL

Barbara Węglarz, Ewolucja lokalnej demokracji bezpośredniej w Polsce po 1989 roku, Księgarnia Akademicka. Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej, Kraków 2013, ss. 203.

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Referendum as a medium (demonstration) of freedom and democracy

51%

Volochová J.

Central European Papers

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2018

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vol. 6

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issue 2

78-90

EN

The constitutional anchoring of the referendum in Slovak Republic is the subject of discussions within professionals and the public since the establishment of the independent Slovak Republic. This paper deals with the Institute of Referendum in the Slovak Republic in connection with the constitutional development of the Slovak Republic, namely the transition to a democratic establishment after 1989. It specifies selected shortcomings of the constitutional anchoring of the referendum at national level and possible proposals for their solution.

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Local referendum and assembly of municipality inhabitants in the Slovak Republic

51%

Alman T.

Central European Papers

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2018

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vol. 6

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issue 2

56-65

EN

The paper deals with the local referendum and assembly of municipality inhabitants as the forms of direct democracy under the conditions of the Slovak Republic. The paper pays the special attention to highlighting the legal and application problems connected with these institutions in the Slovak Republic. The problems are caused especially by the legal regulation which is terse in its content, unambiguous and essentially incorrect, what, in the end, influences the exercise of local self-government. The aim of the paper is to identify the position of local referendum and assembly of municipality inhabitants as the form of exercise of local self-government, along with other forms, through the analysis of respective scientific literature, legal regulations and other sources and I will try to highlight the specific lacks mainly in the legal regulation, to evaluate the situation and to provide some suggestions and solutions.

5

Referendum ogólnokrajowe w Polsce – analiza przypadku

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Grabowska S.

Studia Politologiczne

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2019

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vol. 53

97-113

EN

The institution of a nationwide referendum has taken root in the Polish democratic system, but it is not often used. There may be several reasons for this condition. These include the existing representative system, which makes it possible to settle matters without recourse to the will of citizens who have chosen their representatives. Another reason is the party system – parties in power often block the possibility of holding a referendum, especially when such a proposal is made by the opposition or by citizens. The subject of the article is the analysis of cases of the use of a nationwide referendum in Poland after 1945.

6

Polish Political Parties towards the Citizen Legislative Initiative

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Skrabacz E., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2014

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issue 1 (5)

PL

Political parties are the key element of the representative formula of democratic system. The aim of the paper is to show parties’ attitudes towards the citizen legislative initiative, being an institution of direct democracy. The analysis was carried out with the inclusion of the following three levels of party activity: conceptional, programme-related and functional. Both on the conceptional and programme-related levels there is a lack of reflexion and – in consequence – hardly any debate held on the essence of the institution of citizen legislative initiative, its significance and consequences with regard to the socio-political system. This results in an almost mechanical acceptance of concrete legal solutions, which – at the next stage, i.e., that of realization of these records – ends in an escape from the problem (here: prolonging works of Parliament or an instrumental making use of citizens’ activity).Both ruling parties and those in the Opposition – despite obvious differences in the approach towards institutions of direct democracy – are joined by an axiologically justified dislike of strengthening these forms of citizens’ engagement, which diminish the area of representative democracy.

7

Direct democracy at the national level in Poland. The case of referendum

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Marczewska-Rytko M.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia

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2013

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vol. 20

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issue 1

EN

The aim of the article is to analyze a referendum as the main institution characteristic of direct democracy at the national level in Poland. The article consists of two parts. First of them is connected with direct democracy before 1989, and the second one after 1989. Direct democracy has never been or is particularly esteemed in Poland. The referendum of 30 June 1946 was essentially instrumental and the initiators utilized it as a way to hold power and legitimize it. High expectations were placed on the transformation period after 1989. The referendum of 30 June 1946 was essentially instrumental. The initiators utilized it as a way to hold power and legitimize it. The next referendum of 29 November 1987 also became part of the negative practice of politicizing this instrument of direct democracy. High expectationswere placed on the transformation period after 1989. The President’s referendum bill of November 1995 concerning the general granting of property rights to citizens was passed. This motion was approved because it was initiated by the President and then supported by the motion of a group of the SLD Deputiesconcerning the sharing out of State property. Under such circumstances those submitting the motion had a guaranteed majority necessary for taking an appropriate resolution. It became the grounds for the referendum which was held on 18 February 1996. The next referendum was the Constitution-approving one of 25 May 1997. The political scene was clearly divided into the supporters and opponents of the new Constitution. On 17 April 2003 the Sejm passed a resolution on ordering a nationwide referendum concerning Poland’s membership of the European Union.

PL

Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

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INSTRUMENTY I DOŚWIADCZENIA SZWAJCARSKIEGO SYSTEMU DEMOKRACJI BEZPOŚREDNIEJ

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Matyja M.

Zeszyty Naukowe PUNO

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2016

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issue 4

97-121

EN

The direct democracy in Switzerland is a political system in which decisions are made through a popular vote (a referendum), in which all people with voting rights are eligible to take part. An important element shaping the political system of Switzerland was the adoption of the Federal Constitution in 1848, when a governance system rooted in direct democracy was established. Consequently, the management of local matters was le¤ to cantonal authorities. The current Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation was adopted in 1999. Its reforms mainly concerned the system of basic civil liberties and the relationship between the federation and the cantons. An important governance tool in the current constitution is Article 3, which primarily defines the federal system: ge Cantons are sovereign insofar as their sovereignty is not limited by the Federal Constitution; they exercise all rights which are not transferred to the Confederation. is Article is basically the foundation of the Swiss political system, and indicates the clear role of the principle of subsidiarity. e Swiss political system is unique in many respects: from its regulations (uncharacteristic of European countries) concerning the functioning of its executives, through to its very strong federal system, and its regulations concerning the political parties. e fundamental democratic instruments in the country comprise: referenda, popular initiatives and popular assemblies. e functionality of this system of direct democracy is related, First and foremost, to the broadly dened participation of the citizens and political players in the decision-making processes of the state, the cantons and the communes. Nonetheless, a direct democracy, just as all known democratic systems, also has some dysfunctional qualities. However, the solution does not involve eliminating these qualities completely; rather, it is more about a question of minimising their negative consequences, which can generate undesirable directions of economic and socio-political developments. It should be stated that the functionality and dysfunctionality of the Swiss political system concerns only the legally and constitutionally guaranteed legal order. While its dysfunctional qualities hinder the system, and even constitute a barrier for the e{ectiveness of the process of decision-making, they do not threaten the overall functionality of the system of direct democracy

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Mniejszości narodowe w ramach szwajcarskiego systemu politycznego

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Matyja M.

Zeszyty Naukowe PUNO

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2014

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issue 2

187-207

EN

In Switzerland national minorities might be divided essentially into traditional and socalled „new” minorities. New minorities were formed as a result of immigration in the last half-century. The role of the Swiss national minorities in the political system of this country is connected to the special conditions of Swiss direct democracy, which directly determines the status of minorities in the country. The impact of Swiss policy, especially the popular initiative and referendum on the regulations relating to minorities, has not been fully researched in the literature. The purpose of this article is to analyse the status of minorities, primarily non-Christians, in Switzerland, and to show how these minorities relate to elements of Swiss direct democracy.

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The European Citizens’ Initiative Reform: Does it Matter?

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Parol A.

Review of European and Comparative Law

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2020

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vol. 40

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issue 1

67-90

PL

The reform of the entered into force at the beginning of 2020. The changes are intended to popularize and to give effect to the ECI, especially through the strengthening of the position of this tool as an instrument of e-democracy and the reinforcing of the principle of subsidiarity and the model of multi-level governance. The reform is a step in the right direction, however, it is rather unlikely that it could boost the ECI as an instrument of indirect legislative initiative, which so far has had little impact. The sheer scale of this issue can be illustrated by the juxtaposition of the over seventy registered ECIs with the merely two initiatives in which the EC decided to follow up with legislative proposals. Such a situation results from the fact that the ECI is treated as a subsidiary tool to the instruments of representative democracy, generally accepted as the basis of the system. This is also the effect of the way the quasi-monopoly of the European Commission in the area of legislative initiative is interpreted. In consequence, the effectiveness of the ECI is currently perceived through the prism of collecting over one million signatures and conducting noncommittal dialogue. Nevertheless, in this context it should be remembered that the most effective form of encouraging the civil society to participate in political activity is to reinforce its agency. Indeed, increasing the impact of the ECI on decision-making processes is not dependent on potential changes in primary or secondary law. The change of attitude will suffice. Indeed, an increased number of legislative proposals stemming from the ECIs might be the result of a change in EU political culture and a greater respect for democratic rules.

11

Partycypacja obywatelska na poziomie lokalnym

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Tybuchowska-Hartlińska K.

Political Preferences

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2012

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issue 3

215-225

EN

The main way of citizen’s participation are elections. Elections at local level, especially to local government, are very important for contemporary democracy. The key issue for developing democracy is activity of citizens which is very often called as civil society. Hence, the aim of the article is to find what is the citizen’s participation at local level. The most popular form of activity at local level are: inhabitant consultation; country meeting; district meeting; local referendum. Supporters of SLD (39% of them) declared participation in country meetings. In other parties this indicator was at lower level, for example in PSL (33,3%) and PiS (28%). It looks different when the question is related to participation in an inhabitant consultation. In this case, the majority of supporters of PO (29,6%) take part in this kind of activity. Similar percents are in Ruch Palikota (29,6%) and PSL (29,3%). Supporters of PiS (28,8%) and PO (27,8%) attend actively in local referendum. To sum up, we can conclude that the participation at local level is not very optimistic or pessimistic. Unfortunately, we are not able to indicate clear conclusions, but only find some helpful notes for a further research. Presented study allows us to find many positive aspects and encourage us to continue this subject.

12

Demokracja bezpośrednia na poziomie lokalnym: Czy obywatele chcą partycypacji?

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Tybuchowska – Hartlińska K.

Political Preferences

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2014

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issue 8

117-126

EN

Contemporarytheory of democracyplaces great emphasison direct forms ofcitizens’ participation inpolitical life.Direct democracyis the core ofthe functioning ofdemocratic systems. It is ageneral rulein making decisions, even those controversial or connected to publicaffairs, taking place in the common vote. Whatkinds of institutions of direct democracy are practiced, it mainly depends on historical, cultural and economical conditions. The aim of the research is an attempt to specify the level of support for citizens’participation in new forms of direct democracy such as participatory budgets, as well as the purpose of the research is the diagnosis for citizens’ abilities to participate in the possible institutions of direct democracy that function in the local government. To summarize conducted research, it can be concluded that citizens declare their support for the possibility of co-deciding on municipality budgets and possibility of strengthening their participation through the available institutions of direct democracy in local governments, such as the referendum or locals’ consults. This support is generally independent from sympathizing with the different political parties or ideological view points.

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Direct democracy in the political system of the Czech Republic: Current status and prospects for the future

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Koźbiał K.

Political Preferences

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2018

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issue 21

17-27

EN

Czech experience in the field of referendums is rather limited. Only one nationwide referendum which has been held so far, took place in 2003 and concerned the membership of the Republic in the European Union. The experience of referendums at the local level is incomparably richer: decisions related to environmental matters have gained importance. The greatest interest was raised by referendums on the creation of new municipalities, storage of radioactive waste and elements of radar to be included in the anti-missile shield. It is most probable that referendums will not be used more often than before at the state level in the Czech Republic in the future. This assumption is supported by the lack of such historical experiences as well as the unwillingness of political decision makers. Only local communities often use this kind of opportunity to express their stance on important matters. Significant support on the political scene has been obtained by groups who even call for direct democracy to play a more important role than before in the political system of the Republic. These are not the strongest parties in the Czech Parliament.

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Ocena skutków prawnych projektu ustawy o ustanowieniu Dnia Referendalnego oraz o zmianie ustawy o referendum ogólnokrajowym

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Jastrzębski R.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2022

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issue 1(73)

202-216

EN

The bill raises serious constitutional doubts. The obligatory nature of the proposed Referendum Day cannot be reconciled with the constitutional principle of optionality of a referendum ordered by the Sejm or the President with the consent of the Senate. The bill is internally inconsistent. The proposed date of the Referendum Day does not coincide with the date in the explanatory statement. In addition, there is no justification for the anticipated costs of implementing the bill and no indication as to whether the matter concerned is a single referendum or the entirety of the legislative changes.

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Zgodność z Konstytucją poselskiego projektu ustawy o ustanowieniu Dnia Referendalnego oraz o zmianie ustawy o referendum ogólnokrajowym

51%

Gierach E.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2022

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issue 1(73)

196-201

EN

According to the author, the bill raises constitutional doubts. In her opinion, the proposed obligation to order a referendum by the Sejm in the event of submitting 200,000 signatures of citizens under the motion is incompatible with the Constitution. The proposal to establish a Referendum Day is also problematic. Issues resolved during such a mandatory referendum may become obsolete before a vote takes place. The provisions concerning the Referendum Day limit the constitutional powers of the Sejm.

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O potrzebie wprowadzenia ustawy referendalnej do systemu prawnego w Polsce

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Uziębło P.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2021

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issue 1(162)

127-145

EN

The problems raised in the doctrine of constitutional law related to the implementation of a decision taken in a referendum in matters of particular importance to the state, as well as the generally marginal use of the institution of popular vote in the constitutional prac-tice, give rise to reflection on the introduction of the institution of a referendum law into the Polish constitutional system. In this article the author considers the advantages and disadvantages of such a solution, analyzing at the same time contemporary normative regulations concerning such acts in other countries. The research leads to the conclusion that despite the risks involved, the refer-endum law should appear in the Polish constitutional system in the future, as it would not only give a chance for a more complete reflection of the will of the collective subject of sovereignty without the necessity of its decoding by the parliament, but it could also be an impulse for the development of the referendum practice in the Republic of Poland. However, it is important to introduce proce-dural barriers that will prevent depreciation of this institution.

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ANALIZA DYSKURSU POLITYKI WOKÓŁ OBYWATELSKIEJ INICJATYWY USTAWODAWCZEJ NA WYBRANYCH PRZYKŁADACH DEBAT PARLAMENTARNYCH

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Wójcik S.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2015

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issue 1(13)

5-22 (18)

EN

The article is an attempted analysis of the political discourse concerning citizens’ legislative initiatives. It allows one to see what happens at the interface between the legislative and groups of citizens, which in rare and exceptional circumstances present their "grass-roots" legislative proposals. This interdisciplinary work combines political science and a qualitative sociological approach. The specific method used was Martin Reisgl’s political rhetoric analysis. Transcripts of parliamentary debate on the three selected citizens’ legislative proposals served as research material. The analysis showed an overall specificity of debates on citizens’ projects, but also confirmed the importance of the context in discourse studies. Discussion about each of the three – unique – citizens’ projects was shaped differently.

18

Decision-making at the level of a housing cooperative in Warsaw (Poland). Older adults' participation

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Zubrzycka-Czarnecka A.

Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace

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2019

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issue 4(40)

55-70

EN

The paper discusses the issue of the involvement of older people in decision-making at the level of a housing cooperative in Warsaw (Poland) to examine the characteristics of older adults' participation in the democratic and deliberative process of housing policy. Using the qualitative methodology (case study, exploratory research visit, document analysis and in-depth interviews), the analyses suggest a considerable influence of older people over the decision-making in the selected housing cooperative. The gathered data are indicative of the antagonistic character of the housing policy process. This is due to several factors: diverse attitudes, the opinions and interests of different groups of older people, and communication problems between generations.

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Citizens’ initiatives in Switzerland

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Rachwał M.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2014

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issue 3

33-43

PL

Celem niniejszego artykułu było ustalenie roli, jaką pełni inicjatywa ludowa w systemie politycznym Szwajcarii. Inicjatywę ludową (obywatelską) możemy zdefiniować jako procedurę, która umożliwia obywatelom przedstawienie swoich propozycji ustawodawczych (konstytucyjnych) poprzez zgromadzenie wymaganej liczby podpisów pod wnioskiem. Inicjatywa ludowa w Szwajcarii pozwala grupom obywateli złożyć propozycje w zakresie zmiany konstytucji. Należy podkreślić, iż na poziomie federacji nie funkcjonuje inicjatywa w zakresie ustawodawstwa zwykłego. Spośród 174 inicjatyw ludowych, które zostały poddane pod głosowanie w referendum, do roku 2010 jedynie 18 (10%) zyskało aprobatę większości. Pozostałe wnioski odrzucono. Inicjatywy są zgłaszane z różnorodnych powodów. Elementem wspólnym jest efekt tworzenia programu politycznego. Partie polityczne oraz grupy interesu podejmują inicjatywy także z powodów strategicznych. W Szwajcarii instytucje demokracji bezpośredniej (w tym inicjatywa ludowa) odgrywają istotną rolę, zarówno w zakresie częstotliwości stosowania, jak i pod względem wywieranego wpływu, w systemie politycznym ukształtowanym przez politykę porozumienia i dość stabilny system partyjny.

EN

The aim of this study is to determine the role of popular initiative in the political system of Switzerland. The term ‘popular’, or ‘citizens’ initiatives’ refers to the procedures that allow citizens to bring new issues to the political agenda through collective action, that is, through collecting a certain number of signatures in support of a policy proposal. Citizens’ initiative in Switzerland allows for any group outside parliament to put a proposal on the table. The proposal has to suggest a constitutional amendment. Changes to laws or any other government regulations cannot be the subject of a popular initiative at national level in Switzerland. Of the 174 initiatives that have made it to the polls, only 18 (10 per cent) had been approved prior to 2010, all the others were rejected. Initiatives are launched for numerous reasons. The agenda-setting effect is relevant for all initiatives. Parties and interest groups also launch initiatives for more strategic reasons. In Switzerland the institutions of direct democracy, including the popular initiative on constitutional amendments, play a most prominent role, both in terms of frequency and in terms of impact, in a political system shaped by consensus politics and a rather stable party system.

20

Budżet partycypacyjny jako nowa forma współdecydowania o finansach lokalnych

45%

Rachwał M.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2013

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issue 4

173-186

EN

Participatory budgeting is one of the ideas for broader inclusion of local communities’ citizens (residents) in political life. This solution is a bottom-up process of budget prioritization and identification by citizens of which investments and projects should be implemented in their area. Participatory budgeting was first introduced in Porto Alegre, Brazil, in 1989. Thus, it is a fairly new idea that has ąuickly become popular in other local communities, particularly in Latin America and Europę. Participatory budgeting presents specific possibilities of creating a decisional space for ordinary citizens who tum out to be able to manage public resources. It is also worth noting that the discussed solution prompts joint responsibility for society, as it is not limited to determining one’s individual needs, but forces participants to consider their demands in the context of other people’s proposals.

PL

Jednym z pomysłów na szersze włączenie obywateli (mieszkańców) wspólnot lokalnych w życie polityczne jest idea budżetu partycypacyjnego. Wskazane rozwiązanie to oddolny proces określania priorytetów budżetowych i wskazywania przez obywateli, które inwestycje i projekty należy realizować w ich miejscowości. Po raz pierwszy budżet partycypacyjny został wprowadzony w mieście Porto Alegre (Brazylia) w 1989 roku. Tak więc jest to nowy projekt, który dość szybko został rozpowszechniony w innych wspólnotach lokalnych, przede wszystkim Ameryki Łacińskiej i Europy. Budżet partycypacyjny pokazuje konkretne możliwości stworzenia przestrzeni decyzyjnej dla zwykłych obywateli, którzy okazują się zdolni do zarządzania zasobami publicznymi. Warto również zwrócić uwagę na fakt, iż omawiane rozwiązanie skłania do wspólnotowego myślenia o społeczeństwie, gdyż nie ogranicza się do ustalenia przez każdego obywatela własnych potrzeb, lecz zmusza uczestników do rozważenia swoich postulatów w kontekście propozycji innych mieszkańców.

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