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EN
In the present paper the author conducts a diachronic and synchronic survey of the impact Christoph Hein’s dramas had on the West-German stage. Christoph Hein, an East-German writer born in 1944, exerted great influence both on the FRG and the GDR public. One of the few GDR dissidents who managed not only to survive but also to publish his work in his home country, Hein was part of the remarkable underground culture promoted by authors and readers who managed to get close to the idea of free public speech via reading sessions, stage performances and other similar cultural events, as well as by smuggling books. Unlike the previous generation of writers, who had gone through the barbaric Nazi regime, and unlike the following generation of writers of the 70s and 80s, who had experienced the collapse of GDR, Hein and his contemporaries were prone to an idealism which was nonetheless doomed to failure and which subsequently led to a sense of skepticism and bitter irony. The Western approach to Hein’s literature exhibited two major trends – one aiming at the literary work through the writer’s affiliation or non-affiliation to the socialist party and the other one viewing the author’s texts as chronicles of the Eastern society of that time.
EN
The paper discusses the position of Croatian playwright Radovan Ivšić in Croatian theatre historiography, before and after the independence of Croatia in the nineties. The research results point to three major phases in Ivšić’s reception in Croatian theatre historiography – the rejection, acceptance and canonization.
EN
In the Russian social thinking, the notion „dissident movement” has appeared twice. For the first time, as a historical and theoretical term in the essay The Dissident (1866) by Nikolay Sokolov, and then, a century later in the autobiographical The Confession of a Dissident (1990) by Alexander Zinoviev. Zinoviev considered „the dissident movement” to be social practices, which allow for social generalization. The first part of the article represents the thinking on the initial stage of dissident movement understanding. The Russian essay writers of the 60s of 19th century analyzed this phenomenon based on the European experience, and connected it with the revolutionary struggle against the government and society to build socialist future for the mankind. In the second part of the article, the „dissident movement” is seen as a trial of a philosopher and sociologist who lived in socialism and communist period, in order to describe the merciless technologies to eliminate an individual from the Soviet intelligent society, in the 60s and 70s of 20th century.
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EN
In this paper I argue that there is an affinity between the ‘dissident’ in Havel’s essay “The Power of the Powerless” and the ‘spectre’ in Derrida’s readings of Marx. Both are manifestations of a specific modern temporality that Derrida calls “disjointed”, because it is haunted by a revolutionary force and claim for justice. Both also evoke the weak messianic power inherent in Walter Benjamin’s historiography and the spectral responsibility recognised by this power, that is, our responsibility for past and future generations. In post-totalitarian Czechoslovakia, the “nonpolitical” dissident community prefigured the renewal of moral experiences of responsibility and solidarity. In contemporary discussions of democracy, the figure of the spectre is a reminder of the significance of the Marxist legacy beyond its ideological doctrine.
EN
The study focuses on the Ukrainian generation of the Thaw known as “the Sixtiers”. Gradual development of their worldview is mapped on the examples of their reflections on crucial political and cultural events that took place during the Thaw from 1953 till 1965 and formed the historical experience of the younger generation during the defined period. The article is concentrated on five key events: Stalin’s death in 1953, the Secret speech in 1956, the Kurenivka tragedy in 1961, the fire in Public library in Kyiv in 1964 and the mass arrests of Ukrainian intelligentsia in 1965. The reflexion of the Sixtiers on these events is traced according to their diaries, letters, published texts and recorded interviews. The study also maps the approaches of the Soviet officials during these events that are shown with a help of archival KGB files. On the basis of these sources the article maps gradual development of the worldview of the Sixtiers and their shift from relatively loyal Soviet citizens to opposition minded intellectuals and dissidents.
RU
В статье исследуется инакомыслие Вадима Сидура, отраженное в его объемной переписке с известным немецким славистом, профессором Карлом Аймермахером. Эта переписка продолжалась 15 лет – с 1971 по 1986 год. В ней содержится уникальный фактографический материал, образующий свидетельство эпохи. Как вытекает из проведенного анализа, диссидентство Сидура было разнонаправленным. Хотя Сидур никогда не был активным политическим деятелем и оппозицинером и не участвовал в массовых протестах, он не позволял партийцам руководить собою и языком искусства выражал свое несогласие с советским режимом. Этот «идейный одиночка», несмотря на советскую всезапретность и информацион.
EN
The paper investigates Vadim Sidur’s nonconformity, reflected in his letters to an eminent German Slavicist, Professor Karl Eimermacher. This correspondence, which lasted for 15 years – from 1971 to 1986 – contains unique factual data constituting evidence of the era. As follows from the analysis, Sidur’s acts of dissidence were of various nature. Although he was not an active politician or member of the opposition, nor did he take part in mass protests, still he did not let the party members control or suppress himself and it is by using the language of art that he expressed his disagreement with the Soviet regime. This ‘solitary nonconformist,’ despite the Soviet regime’s omnipresent prohibitiveness and censorship, achieved international fame, which the correspondence under discussion proves.
RU
Настоящая статья отсылает к публичной биографии последних лет одного из самых читаемых современных российских писателей - Бориса Акунина. В рамках своей политической деятельности писатель действовал под своим настоящим именем, активно поддерживая антипутинское движение вовремя протестов 2011–2012 года. Его жизненный опыт и политическиесобытия последних десяти лет принесли значительное разочарование и привели к судьбе эмигранта. Кстати, м обилизованный обстоятельствами Акунин основал новый литературный проект под названием «История Российского государства», который должен стать его оригинальной попыткой ответить на вечные русские вопросы.
EN
This article refers to the public biography of the recent years in the life of Boris Akunin, one of the most widely read among contemporary Russian writers. As part of his political activity, Akunin, or Grigori Chkhartishvili, acted under his own name and actively supported the anti-Putin movement during the 2011–2012 protests. The experience gained there and the political events of the last 10 years have left him disappointed and resulted in him becoming an expat. However, mobilized by the circumstances, Akunin launched a new literary project called История Российского Государвства (History of the Russian State), which is conceived as his original attempt to answer some of the perennial questions about Russia.
PL
Niniejszy tekst odwołuje się do publicznej biografii ostatnich lat jednego z najpoczytniejszych współczesnych rosyjskich pisarzy - Borysa Akunina. W ramach działalności politycznej Grigorij Czchartiszwili występował pod własnym nazwiskiem, aktywnie wspierając ruch antyputinowski podczas protestów 2011-2012 roku. Zdobyte w tej działalności doświadczenie oraz wydarzenia polityczne ostatnich dziesięciu lat przyniosły mu spore rozczarowanie i zaowocowały losem ekspata. Przy okazji jednak, zmobilizowany przez okoliczności, Akunin otworzył nowy projekt literacki pod tytułem История Российского Государвства (Historia państwa rosyjskiego), który ma być jego autorską próbą odpowiedzi na odwieczne pytania o Rosję. 
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