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EN
This article includes a description and an assessment of the key initiatives dedicated to strengthening the economic pillar of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and puts emphasis on reform of the economic governance framework. As was pointed out, the crisis in the euro area has been the most important incentive to deep reshape construction of the EMU, especially in respect to its economic governance. This process – being, beside rescue actions, one of the dimensions of the response to the crisis in the euro area – has multistage and multidimensional character. The new solutions in this dimension, which encompass: the European semester, the “six‑pact”, the “two‑pact”, the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the EMU (TSCG), European Stability Mechanism (ESM), Single Supervisory Mechanism (SSM) and the Single Resolution Mechanism (SRM), strengthened economic pillar of the EMU. Above‑mentioned solutions can improve resilience of the EMU on risks of crises in the future, however these instruments do not provide a guarantee that this area will be instability free zone. Creation of the fiscal capacity mechanism would be important for reinforce the abilities of the EMU to counteract potential disturbances. The treaties change will be required for the completion of the EMU.
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2015
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vol. 10
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issue 1
9-32
EN
There was a wide ranging debate in the 1950s and 1960s in the developing countries about the role of the state in their economy when these countries attained independence, with developing their economies and eradicating poverty and backwardness being seen as their key priority. In the post-World War II peri-od, the all-pervasive ‘laissez-faire’ model of development was rejected, because during the pre-war period such policies had failed to resolve the economic crisis. Therefore, Keynesian interventionist economic policies were adopted in most of those countries. This is a theoretical paper, which is based on a review of published papers in the field of economic policies, especially about the debate on the role of the state and market. In this study, a wide range of data sources are presented, which in-cludes statistics generated by a number of organisations that are not agencies of a particular government. This is useful since data are compiled by a wide range of organisation such as IMF, World Bank and WTO. Secondary data would help our study to answer the research questions. There seems to be greater potential for examining statistical data produced by various organisations that are relatively independent of the national government. The study finds that more than two decades of pursuing neoliberal policies has reduced the progressive aspects of the state sector. The on-going crisis in terms of high unemployment, poverty and inequality provides an opportunity to critically reflect on past performance and on the desirability of reviving the role of the state sector in a way that will contribute to human development.
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EN
The current legal uncertainty in the area of Foreign Direct Investment is harmful to investors as well as the countries hoping to acquire foreign capital. The growing tension concerning contradictory interests of different states will result in another change in the approach to the international investment law. In order to make the most of the chance arising on this occasion, it is necessary to understand the historical context and current situation normative background, which goes beyond the legal framework. The present study aimed at the synthetic analysis of the legal situation at this critical moment.
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2016
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vol. 7
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issue 21
185-204
EN
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of this paper is to document the performance of the EU and its Member States in the light of the Europe 2020 strategy, while also painting a broader picture of the context. Its purpose is not to strictly predict whether the 2020 targets will be reached, but also to consider the consequent circumstances. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The problem of this publication is the analysis of competitiveness of the EU and its Member States. The article uses traditional literature studies, as well as an analysis of documents, reports and statistics. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The line of reasoning consists of four sections. The opening one provides a concise overview of the key definitions. Subsequently, the post-crisis instruments of building competitiveness are discussed. The third section juxtaposes the Europe 2020 targets and reality. The last part includes a reflection on the current challenges concerned mainly existing division in the UE. RESEARCH RESULTS:  Despite of having new post-crisis competitiveness tools, some of the targets will not be achieved by 2020. Moreover, there are countries which have already over-performed, whereas some of the Member States significantly fall behind their targets. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The capacity to deal effectively with the implementation of necessary policies and reforms in the EU is not enough. Heterogeneity of the Member States involves not only the level of competitiveness, but can be considered in many aspects. The failures seem to be a result not only weak economic performances, but are also determined by the crisis of solidarity. Working on this challenge ought to involve a larger reflection on psychological aspects and how to bring citizens along on the next stages of the European (economic) integration process.
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Ekonomia a przełom cywilizacyjny

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EN
The article touches the problem of the directions of changes in the contemporary economics and its new investigation trends, as well as its coherence with the changing civilization paradigm. The malfunctions of the mainstream of the economics are presented. Basing on that an opinion is expressed that the reasons of the malfunctions have deeper roots (independent from the current economic crisis) and are connected with the currently befalling global civilization breakthrough and the state of “affected equilibrium”. The depth and breadth of the economic changes related to that make the hypothesis of the inevitability of change of the economics’ paradigm more probable.
EN
During the debt crisis in Europe as well as during the global financial crisis it became clear that existing solutions on economic governance were highly unsatisfactory. After numerous measures having rather uncoordinated features and executed in an ad hoc manner, even in the particular member states, the EU has started to examine the framework of an economic governance in Europe. The intention of this text is to present, in the chronological order, measures having been adopted in the last three – four years. We start with a description of so called Sixpact consisting of five regulations and one directive. These legal acts aim to strengthen discipline concerning fiscal policies not only in the eurozone but also in all the remaining member states of the EU. They also cover measures on counteracting excessive macroeconomic imbalances. European semester constitutes a very important part of the Sixpact that should foster the co-ordination of the economic governance in the EU. Next, a Treaty on Stability, Co-ordination and Economic Governance has been detailed. It has been indicated that TSCG will not be binding (similarly as the Euro Plus Pact) for all the member states. Finally, the newest European project, so called Twopack, has been described. Twopack significantly interferes into procedures of forming national budgets in the eurozone member states. The article does not provide for the European Stability Mechanism because its description would largely surpass the allowed length of the text.
EN
Ever-closer ties between states have gradually transformed the international legal environment. It is high time that two principle governance methods of regulatory coordination, already widely practiced, are acknowledged and included in the fibre of public international law. This paper scrutinises the timing, mechanisms and the possible range, given legitimacy concerns, of such a change. The author argues that the tangible nature of economic activity renders international economic law as the natural avant-garde for a larger overhaul of the regulatory system. European anti-money laundering efforts are used as an example of this wave of governance, which has been left unnoticed by traditional international law analysis. Denying reality does not make it less real.
PL
Opracowanie zostało poświęcone problematyce zarządzania gospodarczego strefą euro. Międzynarodowy kryzys finansowy uwydatnił bowiem słabość konstrukcji unii gospodarczej i walutowej. Niewykluczone jest, iż dalsze istnienie strefy będzie zależne od wypracowania przez kraje członkowskie optymalnych ścieżek realizacji koniecznych reform. Celem opracowania jest prezentacja procesu ewolucji narzędzi zarządzania gospodarczego w strefie euro, w warunkach kryzysu. W ciągu ostatnich czterech lat państwa członkowskie oraz struktury instytucjonalne Unii Europejskiej podjęły szereg, często bezprecedensowych, działań mających na celu ratowanie gospodarek strefy euro. Przyczyniło się to do zwiększenia stopnia komplikacji zasad polityki fiskalnej i monetarnej. Co więcej, nadal nie ma pewności, czy wypracowane instrumenty przeciwdziałania kryzysom będą w stanie uchronić strefę euro od kolejnego załamania.
EN
The study regards the issue of the euro zone’s economic governance. The international financial crisis highlighted the weakness of the construction of the economic and monetary union. It is conceivable that further existence of the euro zone will depend on whether the member states manage to find optimal ways to carry out necessary reforms. The aim of this paper is to present the evolution process of the tools used for the EU economic governance under the conditions of crisis. In the last four years, the Member States and institutional structures of the European Union have taken a number of, frequently unprecedented, actions aimed at saving the economies of the euro zone. This has contributed to increased complexity of the principles of fiscal and monetary policy. What is more, it is still not certain if the available instruments for crisis prevention will protect the euro zone from another economic meltdown.
PL
Głównym problemem związanym z przeciwdziałaniem skutkom kryzysu gospodarczego w Unii Europejskiej okazał się brak możliwości wykorzystania instrumentów polityki gospodarczej na poziomie ponadnarodowym. Celem artykułu jest zbadanie, w jaki sposób wprowadzone zmiany w zakresie zarządzania gospodarczego wpłyną na efektywność prowadzonej polityki gospodarczej na poziomie ponadnarodowym. W pierwszej części przedstawiono problemy związane z zacieśnieniem dyscypliny finansowej jako podstawowej metody zarządzania w Unii Europejskiej. Przeanalizowano również wpływ reform dotyczących zarządzania gospodarczego na politykę społeczną na poziomie krajowym. W części drugiej zbadano propozycje zmian instytucjonalnych wpływających na polepszenie koordynacji polityki gospodarczej w ramach nadzoru nad polityką fiskalną. Do realizacji postawionych w artykule celów wykorzystano teorię optymalnej kontroli oraz analizę systemową.
EN
The main problem related to counteracting the effects of the economic crisis in the European Union was the inability to use the measures of economic policy at the supranational level. The aim of the article is to examine how the changes introduced in the field of economic governance will affect the effectiveness of the economic policy pursued at the supranational level. The first part presents problems related to tightening financial discipline as the basic method of management in the European Union. The impact of reforms on economic governance on social policy at the national level was also analyzed. The second part examines the proposals of institutional changes affecting the improvement of economic policy coordination within the framework of supervision over fiscal policy. The optimal control theory and the system analysis were used to achieve the goals set in the paper.
PL
Artykuł opisuje najważniejsze zmiany, jakie dla współpracy międzyparlamentarnej w Unii Europejskiej przyniósł art. 13. Traktatu o stabilności, koordynacji i zarządzaniu w Unii Gospodarczej i Walutowej (tzw. Pakt fiskalny UE). Autor poddaje analizie ustalenia Konferencji Przewodniczących Parlamentów UE w Nikozji, z kwietnia 2013 r., w sprawie powołania nowej konferencji na podstawie art. 13. Traktatu oraz przedstawia wnioski z pierwszych dwóch lat jej prac. W szczególności odnosi się do problemu relacji między parlamentami narodowymi i Parlamentem Europejskim w kontekście powstania konferencji.
EN
The article presents the most important changes which were made to the EU inter-parliamentary cooperation by article 13 of the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union (so-called Fiscal Compact). Author analyses the decision made by the Conference of Speakers of the EU Parliaments in April 2013 in Nicosia establishing the new conference under article 13 of the Treaty and presents conclusions from the first two years of the functioning of the conference. In particular, the author refers to the relations between national parliaments and European Parliament in the context of the creation of this new inter-parliamentary body.
PL
Celem artykułu jest identyfikacja, przedstawienie głównych osiągnięć i porażek oraz analiza potencjalnych scenariuszy związanych z prowadzeniem polityki fiskalnej w ramach regionalnej i ponadnarodowej organizacji sui generis – Unii Europejskiej. Autor weryfikuje stanowiska państw członkowskich wobec przekazania na poziom wspólnotowy narzędzi polityki fiskalnej. W tym kontekście, przedstawione zostają wady i zalety (potencjalnej) wspólnej unijnej polityki fiskalnej, na których ocenę wpływają czynniki tymczasowe takie, jak kryzys finansowy. Starając się dokonać rzetelnej i kompleksowej analizy, autor odnosi się do aktualnej sytuacji gospodarczej i skutków kryzysu, jak również do przeszłych (rozpoczynając od lat 70. XX w.) głównych wyzwań, osiągnięć i przeszkód w prowadzeniu zrównoważonej polityki budżetowej. Przyjęta przez autora metodologia opiera się na podejściu analitycznym, które umożliwia ocenę wspólnych działań państw członkowskich na rzecz ujednolicenia narodowych polityk fiskalnych oraz zbadanie „stosowności” przyjętych środków antykryzysowych. Ponadto, w celu przedstawienia różnorodności kultur politycznych, preferencji i wyzwań wynikających z wielkości gospodarek narodowych autor stosuje metodę porównawczą. Wyniki przeprowadzonej analizy wskazują, iż rządy państw członkowskich dostrzegają potrzebę większej elastyczności w negocjacjach nad ujednoliceniem polityk fiskalnych na poziomie UE i są w stanie ograniczyć swoją „fiskalną suwerenność” (vide: osiągnięcia szczytów antykryzysowych). Niemniej jednak, „dalsze przekazanie kompetencji fiskalnych” czy „jedność fiskalna” nie oznaczają (przynajmniej na razie) całkowitego pozbawienia rządów narodowych kontroli nad sprawowanie polityki fiskalnej.
EN
The article discusses the main achievements and failures of fiscal policy in the European Union. It also examines potential scenarios for EU fiscal policy. The article looks at how EU member states approach the idea of transferring fiscal policy tools from the national to the EU level. In this context, the author discusses the advantages and disadvantages of a common EU fiscal policy. The assessment of this policy is influenced by temporary factors such as a financial crisis. To offer a broader picture, the author analyzes the current economic situation in the EU and the implications of the latest financial crisis. The article also refers to past challenges, achievements and obstacles to a sustainable fiscal policy, starting from the 1970s. The methodology adopted by the author is based on an analytical approach that makes it possible to assess the collective efforts of member states to harmonize their national fiscal policies. The adopted method also makes it possible to examine the adequacy of anti-crisis measures taken by member states. In addition, the author uses a comparative method to present the diversity of political cultures, preferences and challenges stemming from the size of national economies. The results of the analysis show that the governments of individual member states are aware of the need for greater flexibility in negotiations on harmonizing fiscal policies at the EU level and are ready to reduce their fiscal sovereignty (as evidenced by the outcomes of anti-crisis summits). However, a further transfer of fiscal powers or fiscal unity do not mean that national governments will be completely deprived of control over fiscal policy, at least not for now, the author says.
EN
Nowadays, countries are facing new challenges and exploring new paradigms of development. The sustainable development has become a central tenet of politics. This required measuring progress in the implementation of the strategy on the economic, social, environmental, institutional and political level. This article presents some indicators of economic order allowing to assess the level of economic security and sustainable development of Lower Silesia.
PL
Współcześnie kraje stają wobec nowych wyzwań i poszukiwania nowych paradygmatów rozwoju. Zrównoważony rozwój stał się centralną zasadą prowadzenia polityki, co wymagało mierzenia postępów w realizacji strategii na nim opartych na płaszczyźnie gospodarczej, społecznej, środowiskowej i instytucjonalno-politycznej. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wybranych mierników ładu gospodarczego pozwalających ocenić poziom bezpieczeństwa ekonomicznego i zrównoważonego rozwoju województwa dolnośląskiego.
PL
Artykuł poddaje analizie od strony prawnoinstytucjonalnej pierwsze doświadczenia związane z funkcjonowaniem semestru europejskiego w Sejmie Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Autor pokazuje ewolucje mechanizmu w izbie niższej polskiego parlamentu od pierwszej edycji semestru w 2011 r. do ostatniej zakończonej procedury w 2014 r. W pracy podniesione są m.in. kwestie udziału poszczególnych komisji sejmowych w pracach nad dokumentami składającymi się na cykl semestru, współpracy międzyparlamentarnej w UE, a także uwarunkowań prawnych semestru z uwzględnieniem współpracy między rządem i parlamentem w ramach ustawy kooperacyjnej. Artykuł zawiera także rekomendacje.
EN
The article analyses the first years of the functioning of the European semester mechanism in the Sejm of the Republic of Poland from the institutional and legal perspectives. The author shows the evolution of the procedure in the lower house of the Polish parliament since the first edition of the Semester in 2011 until the last one recently ended in 2014. The research concerns the participation of different committees in the process of examining documents of the Semester cycle, EU inter-parliamentary cooperation, as well as the legal aspects of the government-parliament relations according to the cooperation act. The article also contains recommendations.
PL
Celem opracowania jest wskazanie na konieczność teoretycznego ujęcia demokracji, zawierającej dwa poziomy wyrażania wolności człowieka – poziom jednostkowy i wspólnotowy. Teoria demokracji ma istotne znaczenie dla kształtowania relacji społeczno- -ekonomicznych. Obecnie relacje ekonomiczne są dominujące w określaniu kształtu demokracji. Za ich siłą stoją założenia gospodarki neoliberalnej. W kontekście takiego podejścia obserwowane są urynkowione aspekty stosowanej demokracji, wywołujące głębokie zniekształcenia w praktycznych procedurach demokracji. Tematyka została opracowana w trzech punktach prezentujących kolejno: krytykę demokracji posadowionej w systemie gospodarki neoliberalnej, problematykę społeczeństwa obywatelskiego (SO) i kierunki doskonalenia demokracji zapewniającej funkcjonowanie tego społeczeństwa.
EN
The aim of this study is to indicate the need for a theoretical approach to democracy containing two levels of human freedom: the individual and community level. The theory of democracy is essential for shaping socio-economic relations. Nowadays, economic relations are dominant in defining the shape of democracy. Their strength is supported by the assumptions of the neoliberal economy. In the context of such an approach, the market- oriented aspects of the applied democracy are observed, causing profound distortions in practical procedures of democracy. Definitely a democratic theory is necessary, expressing the synthesis of the freedom of the human individual at the level of their individual will and their freedom in the social field. Society cannot be treated as a human group, but as a unified whole with socialized relations.
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