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EN
In the modern era, there is much wailing and gnashing of teeth about income and wealth disparities. The premise upon which these complaints are based is that egalitarianism is an unambiguous good, and that any and all steps would be taken to reduce gaps between the wealthy and the poor. The present paper is an attempt to right this imbalance; it makes the case that income and wealth differences should be neutral with regard to public policy: they should not be artificially increased or reduced. This view is defended on both economic and ethical grounds. On the economic side, the impossibility of interpersonal utility comparisons, the existence of loss aversion, questions about productivity responses to redistribution, and the undeniable reality of bureaucratic costs all call into question the wisdom of income redistribution. On the ethical side, a rights-based approach calls into question the egalitarian basis for income redistribution policies. In the end, income equality (or inequality) falls outside the realm of valid policy concerns.
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Edukacja akademicka w pułapce pozornego egalitaryzmu

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EN
The social and political changes that started in Poland after 1989 led to the opening up of universities and in a short time led to a signifi cant increase of the number of students. According to offi cial data, schooling rate of higher education in Poland exceeded 50%. Unlimited access to higher education also had negative consequences. It resulted in a signifi cant increase of unemployment among the holders of academic degrees, decrease of their value in the labor market and lowering of the quality of higher education. Especially negative phenomena occurred in the social sphere. Employment and the opportunity to succeed in life no longer depend on the qualifi cations as evidenced by diplomas. Their place was taken by friends, informal business arrangements, family and social relationships. Obtaining a job and the mechanisms of life promotion have lost their transparent nature and were marked by pathology.
Logos i Ethos
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2019
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vol. 49
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issue 1
EN
The article considers the problem of the depreciation of standards of integrity in modern societies. It indicates the relations between social ideals and standards defining the implementation of these ideals. In this context, it invokes the thesis of T. Merton, who claims that the standards that hinder the realization of ideals tend to be eliminated from social life. This happens with the standard of integrity in societies where the main ideal is to achieve success in the economic dimension.The changes in the axiological field are associated with moving away from the elite culture model and choosing an egalitarian model. Liberal ideals in this model are tailored to the needs of the mass. Personal values are replaced with utilitarian values. Egalitarianism, rejecting the elite imperative to improve, leads to resentment. The consequence of this process is depreciating values and moral standards.The society becomes aware of the bareness of the egalitarian model of culture. Signs of dissatisfaction with the current model and the ideal associated with it become visible, because the degeneration of moral standards leads to the loss of the sense of safety and to the corrosion of people’s relationships.The history shows that the two described models compete with each other and alternate. Armed with this knowledge, we can support the attempts to develop the elite social projects that are still waiting for a new synthesis.
EN
Poles are today the largest group of family immigrants to Norway. Since Polish immigration is an intra-European movement of labour, there are no specific laws or regulations, apart from labour regulations, pertaining to the introduction of Polish families to Norway and their settlement there. Consequently, there are few guidelines in schools and local authorities on dealing with Polish children in school. They receive the same introduction to school as immigrants from any other background, with no consideration of the specific characteristics of Poles. Equally, their parents are not eligible for the orientation courses and language classes that are offered to adult asylum seekers or refugees. As these are expensive, many Polish parents postpone language classes until they can afford them or find alternative ways of learning language and culture. In this article, I explore the inclusion of Polish children in Norwegian schools through the voices of teachers receiving Polish children in their classrooms and Polish mothers of children attending school in Norway. Interviews with both teachers and mothers reveal inadequate understandings of each other’s conceptions of school, education and the roles of home and school in the education of children. They also demonstrate a limited understanding of culturally bound interpretations of each other’s actions. Although both sides are committed to the idea of effective integration, we risk overlooking the social and academic challenges that Polish children face in Norwegian schools unless conceptions and expectations of school and education are articulated and actions are explained and contextualised. There is also a risk that cultural differences will be perceived as individual problems, while real individual problems may be overlooked due to poor communication between schools and families. The data is drawn from an extended case study including classroom observations, interviews with teachers and Polish mothers in Norway, and focus groups of educators and researchers in the field of social work.
PL
Artykuł ten analizuje za pomocą metody równowagi refleksyjnej warunki tła naszych rozważnych sądów na temat sprawiedliwości dystrybutywnej, wygenerowanych przez eksperyment myślowy określany mianem „Trójki dzieci i fletu”. Eksperyment ten został zaproponowany i w interesujący sposób skomentowany przez Amartya Sena w jego książce pod tytułem The Idea of Justice. W swym artykule stawiam tezę, że – w przeciwieństwie do konkluzji, które Sen wywiódł z tego eksperymentu myślowego – aby utylitarna i egalitarna wizja sprawiedliwości dystrybutywnej mogła pozostać w mocy, szereg innych twierdzeń dotyczących życia społecznego oraz dystrybucji zasobów, których nie jesteśmy chętni zaakceptować, musi być prawdziwych. Argumentuję również, że nie jest prawdą twierdzenie Sena, iż zdecydowanie o tym, który ze wzorców dystrybucji powinien przeważyć w tym eksperymencie myślowym, nie jest wcale „trudne”. Co więcej, twierdzę też, że tzw. naturalny czy libertariański model dystrybucji nie zakłada tych samych warunków tła, co utylitarny i egalitarny model dystrybucji, a których to warunków nie jesteśmy skłonni zaakceptować. W artykule swym dochodzę do wniosku, że biorąc pod uwagę cały szereg niespójności, nieintuicyjnych konsekwencji oraz sprzecznych z doniesieniami nauk szczegółowych implikacji rozwiązań utylitarystycznych i egalitarystycznych, to naturalny model dystrybucji stanowi jedyne rozwiązanie dylematu fletu.
EN
In this paper, I employ the method of reflective equilibrium to analyse background conditions of our considered judgements about distributive justice generated by a thought experiment called “Three Children and a Flute”, proposed and interestingly commented upon by Amartya Sen in his book The Idea of Justice. I claim that, contrary to Sen’s conclusions drawn from the thought experiment, for the utilitarian and egalitarian visions of distributive justice to hold other things about distribution of resources and social life that we are not willing to accept must be true and that it is not the case then that it is a ‘difficult decision’ to make what pattern of distribution should prevail in the thought experiment. To boot, I hold that libertarian or natural pattern of distribution does not presuppose these background conditions that we are not willing to accept and which are presupposed by egalitarian and utilitarian distributive patterns. I conclude that taking into consideration the fact that there is a plethora of inconsistencies, counter-intuitive consequences and anti-scientific implications of the utilitarian and egalitarian solutions to the thought experiment, it is a natural pattern of distribution that prevails in the ‘flute dilemma’.
EN
The question addressed in this paper asks what is to be learned with respect to the issue of gender ratio when pedagogical and political philosophical analyses apply principles of equity
EN
Aim. The aim of the article is to reveal the experiences and attitudes of pupils who attended schools in the late Soviet era (1960s-1980s) towards the implementation of egalitarianism policies in the schools of the Lithuanian SSR. The analysis of the qualitative research material focuses on the word "felt" in the phrase "We all felt equal then", i.e., not so much on the fixation of social (in)equality by analysing the indicators of social class or economic status, but on the subjective experience of equality as a manifestation of human dignity. Methods. Following the methodology of oral history, material was collected during 32 in-depth interviews with people who had attended schools in the Lithuanian SSR in the late Soviet era. Results. Several themes emerged from the analysis of the interviews relating to the expression of egalitarianism in the Soviet school: the social class of the pupils; the economic situation of the parents; and the ability of the parents to have the so-called "blat". Conclusions. The study revealed that the implementation of the policy of egalitarianism officially declared by the Communist Party in the education system was subject to several reservations. In Soviet Lithuania, just as in the whole society, there were a lot of manifestations of blat, corruption, and favouritism. These were influenced by the positions held by pupils' parents, belonging to the nomenklatura and/or the ability to establish informal contacts. Pupils from rural schools had fewer opportunities to pursue higher education.
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EN
The aim of the article is to discuss selected issues of Christian feminism which attempt to reconcile traditional women’s roles in a society with the idea of emancipation. The article is composed of four parts. The first one discusses the basic theses of Christian feminism. The second one includes deliberations on biblical and theological evidence for women’s and men’s statuses. The third and fourth part offer an analysis of biblical examples of women’s autonomy and the postulate of women’s emancipation in the Christian work ethos.
EN
Though in many ways the most unusual US president ever elected, both in experience and in character, Donald Trump is not entirely sui generis. This article strives to show that in some respects he is in the American tradition, as evidenced by his continuity with some classic American literary works. Characteristics which Trump shares with the American literary tradition include religiosity; egalitarianism, and its corollaries including anti-expertise, braggadocio, self-assurance and self-reliance; insularity and xenophobia; and American exceptionalism.
EN
In the article author discusses the relationships between education and social stratification. The theories of meritocracy and credentalism are analyzed and a special attention is paid to the opposition between their interpretations of the equality/inequality dilemma. Then the R. Turner’s concepts of social mobility and E. Hopper’s concepts of social creation of aspiration are presented. In the second part of the article the phenomenon of overeducation and diploma in ation is considered as well as a case of higher education in Japan as a factor of social stratification in this country.
Diametros
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2021
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vol. 18
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issue 68
1-8
EN
The present paper constitutes an introduction to a special issue of Diametros devoted to Setting Health-Care Priorities. What Ethical Theories Tell Us by Torbjörn Tännsjö. The book in question states that there are three moral theories which have valid implications in the field of the distribution of medical resources in a healthcare system: utilitarianism (possibly conjoined with prioritarianism), the maximin/leximin view, and egalitarianism. A number of authors have contributed to this special issue with papers which challenge this thesis. Robert E. Goodin argues that, besides general moral theories, some local principles of justice might be valid. Quinn Hiroshi Gibson states that Tännsjö should have considered the Rawlsian view on justice in its contractualist reading. Jay A. Zameska argues that his “revised lexical sufficientarianism” constitutes a more reliable moral view than prioritarianism. Finally, Lasse Nielsen points out that there is more to say about distributive justice than consequentialist theories can grasp. Moreover, he puts forward an argument in defense of prioritarianism. The final article in this issue constitutes Tännsjö’s replies to his critics.
EN
This text should be perceived as an review article in which the content of the monograph Social Inequalities in Access to Education… by Richard Borowicz allows for the presentation of his heritage which is leftfor the next generation of sociologists and educators. The text therefore exposes the approach to the profession of sociologist which was characteristic of Ryszard Borowicz, his scientific workshop and inspirations that we may draw from in relation to how to analyze the surrounding reality, how to communicate what we have determined, how to make methodological choices and, within them, choose the methods. At the same time, the text presents the continuity of the research into sociology of education in Poland, preserved also thanks to the research by the Author of the book discussed here. What is worth emphasizing is the diagnosis and assessment of the Polish transformation at the beginning of the twenty-first century in the context of young people’s educational fates (and their determinants), which is dominant in the monograph. The essence of Ryszard Borowicz’s research interests is the study on school selections. Therefore, the text contains an attempt at analyzing the findings in the book Social Inequality… relating to the mechanisms of selection in the educational system, including the analysis of the relevance of specific content, links with the findings by other researchers, and most of all, with the Author himself – his beliefs, motivations, and attitudes, which distinguished him in the scientific community.
EN
The idea of justice has been present in social and political thought since Antiquity. It is also often to be found in common sense discourse, particularly in the context of protest, contestation and revolutionary movements inspired by the perception of injustice. But the meaning of the concept is neither obvious nor simple. The purpose of the paper is the analysis and explication of the concept of justice informed by the Aristotelian intuition of proportionality. The author distinguishes five varieties of justice and respective normative principles: distributive, communicative, retributive, transactional and attributive. In each case the demand for equality, often associated with the idea of justice, is shown to be untenable. Equality is relevant only as a meta-principle that rules the application of all five principles of justice. The proposed definition treats justice as the equality of principles generating multidimensional inequality, unavoidable and indispensable in social life.
PL
Pojęcie sprawiedliwości występuje w myśli społecznej i politycznej od czasów starożytnych. Bardzo często odnajdujemy je także w myśleniu potocznym, zwłaszcza w kontekście protestów, kontestacji czy ruchów rewolucyjnych skierowanych przeciwko odczuwanej niesprawiedliwości. Jego znaczenie nie jest jednak ani jasne, ani proste. Celem artykułu jest analiza i eksplikacja sensu pojęcia sprawiedliwości obierająca za punkt wyjścia arystotelesowską ideę właściwej proporcji. Rozróżnione zostaje pięć rodzajów sprawiedliwości i pięć odpowiednich zasad normatywnych: sprawiedliwość dystrybutywna, komunitatywna, retrybutywna, transakcyjna i atrybutywna. W wypadku każdego rodzaju odrzucona zostaje intuicja często wiązana ze sprawiedliwością: postulat równości. Równość ma sens jedynie jako metazasada odnosząca się do stosowania wszystkich zasad sprawiedliwości. Sprawiedliwość to w myśl proponowanej definicji równość zasad generujących wieloraką i konieczną w życiu społecznym nierówność.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono analizę dotyczącą nierówności dochodowych mieszkańców województwa zachodniopomorskiego. Analiza oparta jest na danych dotyczących dochodów ujętych w deklaracjach PIT-37 (pracownicy) i PIT-36 (przedsiębiorcy) złożonych we właściwych urzędach skarbowych w latach 2005–2012. Punktem odniesienia analizy są koncepcje społecznego egalitaryzmu oraz klasy średniej.
EN
This article presents an analysis of the income inequality in the region of West Pomeranian. The analysis is based on data on income included in the PIT-37 Tax Return (employees) and PIT-36 (entrepreneurs) filed at competent tax offices in 2005–2012. The reference point of the analysis are the concepts of social egalitarianism and the middle class.
EN
The paper presents results of a study of students’ opinions on the issue of studying understood widely, as a socially and individually conditioned phenomenon. A description of the former has been derived from the concept of meritocratism and a discussion undertaken on its premises, whilst for the definition of the latter the psychological typology of orientations to learning aims has been applied. On the basis of the research model adopted an authorial questionnaire has been constructed and the data collected has been subjected to correlation analyses. The data obtain confirms “the diploma sickness”. There emerges a student approval for selection of various survival strategies at university and lack of unequivocal objection to dishonest behaviours. The results of the study do not allow for an optimistic approach to the possibility of a rapid “paradigmatic change” in higher education.
PL
W tekście przedstawiono wyniki badania opinii studentów na temat studiowania, rozumianego szeroko – jako zjawisko uwarunkowane społecznie i jednostkowo. Charakterystykę pierwszego z nich wyprowadzono z koncepcji merytokratyzmu i dyskusji podejmowanej z jego założeniami, natomiast do zdefiniowania drugiego wykorzystano psychologiczną typologię orientacji na cele uczenia się. W oparciu o model badawczy zbudowano autorski kwestionariusz, a zgromadzone dane poddano analizom korelacyjnym. Uzyskane wyniki potwierdzają występowanie wśród studentów „choroby dyplomu”. Wyraźna jest studencka aprobata dla przyjmowania różnych strategii przetrwania na uczelni i brak jednoznacznego sprzeciwu wobec nieuczciwych zachowań. Wyniki badania nie pozwalają optymistycznie podejść do możliwości szybkiej „zmiany paradygmatycznej” w szkolnictwie wyższym.
Lud
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2013
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vol. 97
157-174
XX
The article aims to present the project of anthropology that refers to the well known tradition of practising ethnographic surrealism. Considering few modifications of action and qualitative research, the project rediscovers the “non-obvious” and “taken for granted” aspects of daily life and attempts to create the reality in a responsible manner. It is applied in artistic and scientific projects and may play a supportive role in the educational process and in the development of anthropological imagination.
EN
Analyzing the evolution of traditional determinants of the French foreign policy, one can state that the greatest change in the period of the Fifth Republic is related to Paris involvement in the European integration process. It is confirmed by an analysis of all the other determinants discussed in the presented article. Their evolution was motivated by the progress of the European integration process. French perception of sovereignty and independence is mainly affected by a division of competence between various levels of power (regions, countries, supranational bodies), which changed along with subsequent EU treaty reforms. State security issues to an increasingly large degree are being discussed at the EU level within the developing European Defense and Security Policy and border protection policy. France tried to impose its power ambitions onto Europe by promoting the concept of Europe-puissance. Persistence of the étatisme tradition in the French foreign policy was increasingly subjected to France’s effectiveness in forcing through French ideas on the further development of the Common Market. Colonial heritage of the Fifth Republic’s foreign policy manifests itself in propagating southern dimension of the EU neighborhood policy. The European Union that affirms the role of human rights and offers humanitarian and development aid is indeed an extension of French universalist ambitions. Egalitarianism reflected itself in the French contribution to the EU budget where France’s payments were larger than the amount of money obtained from it in the end. Finally, the opposite elitist legacy manifested itself constantly in France’s desire to remain not only in the mainstream of the European integration, but also in its attempts to shape it as one of the EU leading countries, while not excluding institutional arrangements enabling more differentiated integration of uniting Europe. The above mentioned examples prove that despite discontent with regard to progress and trends in the development of the European integration, often voiced in France, it is of utmost importance for that country. France is contributing to the functioning of its diplomacy while taking advantage of new possibilities and financial or institutional instruments that the EU membership guarantees. This factor, in return, contributes to gradual shift of the French foreign policy through the change of its determinants. One can find out how strong and irreversible this tendency is while observing the struggles being made with the negative impact of the economic crisis and global challenges piling up in front of Europe.
Diametros
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2014
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issue 42
106-123
PL
Artykuł ten ma na celu przedstawienie polskiemu czytelnikowi różnych koncepcji sprawiedliwości w ochronie zdrowia w ramach nurtu liberalnego egalitaryzmu. Autor zebrał najbardziej istotne, wpływowe i reprezentatywne teorie z tego nurtu, by zaprezentować, w jaki sposób w demokratycznym państwie można zapewnić sprawiedliwą służbę zdrowia, szanując jednocześnie wolność oraz moralną równość jednostek. Zaprezentowane zostaną: teoria sprawiedliwości Johna Rawlsa, teoria otwartych możliwości Normana Danielsa, zbiór koncepcji egalitaryzmu trafu, idea idealnego rozsądnego ubezpieczenia Ronalda Dworkina, koncepcja demokratycznego egalitaryzmu Elizabeth Anderson, zbiór koncepcji egalitaryzmu wszystkich rodzajów trafu oraz teoria Shlomi Segalla.
EN
This article aims at presenting to the Polish reader a number of different conceptions of justice in health care, represented by the advocates of liberal egalitarianism. The author has given an overview of the most relevant, influential and representative theories, held by the liberal egalitarians, in order to present the way in which, in a democratic state, both just health care and respect for freedom and moral equality of individuals can be provided. The following issues will be discussed: John Rawls’s theory of justice, Norman Daniels’s theory of justice including health possibilities, varieties of luck egalitarianism, Ronald Dworkin’s “prudent insurance” ideal, Elizabeth Anderson’s democratic egalitarianism, a family of theories of egalitarianism of all kinds of luck and the theory of Shlomi Segall.
EN
The fear of tutors and teachers, conformism of students, at last - indifference and apathy of their parents - these are side effects of contemporary changes in education. In his essay Piotr Nowak searches for the sources of these negative phenomena. One of them is enormous hypertrophy of bureaucracy at universities and a new language it addresses to the people of knowledge; another - mass culture, egalitarianism, and industrialization of the University.
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