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Transparentní financování kampaní? Předvolební kampaň do Poslanecké sněmovny 2013

100%
Ondráčka D., Vymětal P.
Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)
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2015
|
issue 2
95-124
EN
Political party financing, disclosure and transparency are some of the key issues anti-corruption organizations in the Czech Republic have been promoting in the political agenda. Although long-term efforts to strengthen the legal framework have been unsuccessful until now (another attempt is taking place at the moment), some political parties have begun voluntarily implementing tools to increase transparency of election campaigns, namely the establishment of transparent (open to public oversight) bank accounts (TA). This article examines to what extent a TA for political parties and movements for the election campaign infl uenced and caused a real positive impact on the level of transparency in the financing of early elections to the Chamber of Deputies in 2013 in the Czech Republic. Particular attention is given to the income and expenditure transactions that were classified, according to the developed codebook, into several categories. Part of the monitoring is also to track spending costs on advertising, PR and media services and use data on TA to assess whether political parties and movements during the election campaign utilize traditional (printed) means of media presentation or rather new (and social) media. Finally, the article addresses the major weaknesses and limitations of the use of TA in the efficient oversight of political party financing.
2
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Let’s Keep It Fresh: Linking Electoral Manifesto Cohesion to Re-Election Success of Entrepreneurial Parties in Central Europe

100%
Brunnerová O.
Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)
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2020
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vol. 26
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issue 2
5-38
EN
Over the past decade, an unparalleled shift in party systems could be seen in most European countries, especially in post-communist countries in Central Europe, with a plethora of new political parties and movements coming to power. A signifi cant portion of them has been established by political entrepreneurs, who promised the electorate to fi ght corruption and bureaucracy, challenge the self-interested political elites, and bring well-being to the whole country. Oft en refusing to define themselves as left or right, these political parties question the traditional programmatic division, not adhering to any discernible ideology. Although the research revolving around new political parties tends to focus primarily on their initial success, the article investigates the newcomer entrepreneurial parties re-election success in the Czech Republic, Poland, and Slovakia. Through detailed qualitative analysis, it examines how shifts in electoral manifestos and visual campaign materials, such as billboards, influence the repeated success of these parties after their initial breakthrough. With the support of additional quantitative data, I confi rm the initial suspicion, that for an entrepreneurial party, correctly reflecting the mood of the target electorate and accordingly adjusting the programme and the campaign is crucial and takes precedent over developing a consistent, cohesive ideological framework.
3
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Local media and the “political brand”: Candidates attributes portrayed on local media and their consequences on public perceptions

100%
Zamora R.
Central European Journal of Communication
|
2010
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vol. 3
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issue 2(5)
283-297
EN
Mass media portraits are key factors for a candidate running for local and regional elections, where low name recognition demands mass media coverage in order to build his “political brand.” Attribute agenda-setting effects are more usual in these circumstances where media focus on certain candidate aspects could play a key role in the social learning of political candidates. This paper focuses on the role of local media in setting the “political brand” of two main candidates during 2007 regional elections in Murcia (Spain) underlining either emotional aspects for a more “human” candidate or professional aspects, trying to see the relevance of media content analysis (print and broadcasting) on public opinion, by using a survey (N = 818) conducted during the campaign.
4
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Serwisy społecznościowe jako narzędzie komunikowania wyborczego. Kandydaci w wyborach parlamentarnych w roku 2015 na Facebooku

72%
Porębski L., Żurek M.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2017
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vol. 53
154-168
EN
The paper is an analysis of the mode in which candidates in Polish parliamentary elections in 2015 made use of Facebook. The research results prove that no more than one third of candidates was active on Facebook during the campaign. Moreover, information were much more often published than promoting or mobilizing content. No statistical correlation was found between the intensity of Facebook use and sex, age, or place of residence of candidates either.
PL
Artykuł jest analizą sposobu wykorzystania serwisu społecznościowego Facebook przez kandydatów w polskich wyborach parlamentarnych w roku 2015. Wyniki badań dowodzą, że tylko niespełna jedna trzecia kandydatów była w czasie kampanii wyborczej aktywna na Facebooku. Co więcej, materiały informacyjne były znacznie częściej publikowane niż treści o charakterze mobilizacyjnym czy promocyjnym. Nie wykazano też statystycznej zależności między płcią, wiekiem i miejscem zamieszkania kandydatów a intensywnością korzystania z Facebooka w czasie kampanii wyborczej.
5
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Wybory w Związku Radzieckim w dobie kształtowania i stabilizacji systemu władzy: rys historyczny, regulacje prawne i praktyki wyborcze

58%
Siedziako M.
Studia Wyborcze
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2018
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vol. 26
71-89
PL
Sposób w jaki wyłaniano członków rad w Związku Socjalistycznych Republik Radzieckich miał niewiele wspólnego, poza nazwą, z wolnym wyborami, będącymi podstawową procedurą każdego demokratycznego systemu politycznego. Wyborcy przypieczętowywali tylko formalnie decyzje podejmowane w komitetach partii komunistycznej, które szczegółowo projektowały dobór kandydatów. Nominacja na kandydata dawała właściwie pewność „wyboru” w dniu głosowania, gdyż na każdy mandat kandydował tylko jeden pretendent. Poszczególne rady miały być odwzorowaniem struktury społecznej kraju, jednak kluczowe role odgrywali w nich działacze komunistyczni. Każdy kandydat przed uzyskaniem nominacji był dokładnie weryfikowany, same kampanie wyborcze były już tylko szczegółowo wyreżyserowanymi spektaklami. Aby osiągnąć jak najwyższą frekwencję wyborczą, która miała dowodzić „jedności” socjalistycznego społeczeństwa, władze używały zróżnicowanych metod nacisku na wyborców, propagandy, jak również różnego rodzaju manipulacji. Artykuł prezentuje historyczno-politologiczną analizę wyborów w Związku Radzieckim, skupiając się na trzech zasadniczych zagadnieniach: budowie nowego systemu wyborczego po rewolucji październikowej z 1917 roku oraz regulacjach prawnych i praktykach wyborczych w ZSRR w dobie stabilizacji systemu władzy.
EN
The way in which the members of soviets were elected in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics had very little to do, aside from its name, with free elections which are the basic procedurę of each democratic political system. The voters would merely validate the decisions made within the committees of the communist party which carefully controlled the candidate selection. The candidate nomination was tantamount to being ‘elected’, as there was one candidate for each mandate. Each soviet was intended to reflect the structure of the society, yet the key posts were reserved by the communist activists. Each candidate before the nomination had to be verified, electoral campaigns were only directed in detail shows. In order to increase the voter turnout, and thus prove the socialist ‘unanimity’ of the society, the authorities made use of various pressure methods, propaganda as well as various manipulations. The article presents a historical-political analysis of the elections in the Soviet Union, focusing on the three basic issues: building of a new electoral system after the October Revolution 1917, legal regulations and electoral practices in the USSR in the period of stabilization of the ruling system.
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