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1

Women's Participation in Politics: Ukrainian Case

100%
Alexey S.
Studies of Changing Societies
|
2014
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vol. 2013
|
issue 3
53-66
EN
The international practices takes into account the question of women's participation in the political life of modern Ukraine. The selection of the state was due to the dynamic process of democratic transformation - the separation of powers, the formation of multi-party competition among political actors in the electoral process, the activity women in the various institutions of civil society. The position was claimed on the basis of empirical data range of academic institutions and reputable sociological centers, and also interviews with experts who said that the creation of real conditions for self-realization by women's interest in politics is only possible for long term. The process is controversial and caused by political culture, traditions and interests of the ruling class represented mainly by men.
2
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The integrity of elections in Albania as a duality between the law and their administration. Electoral management body in the circle of cause – effect for elections performance

100%
Kryemadhi M., Luzi-Lleshi L.
Academicus. International Scientific Journal
|
2014
|
issue 10
93-102
EN
It is important to note that at the end of the election process there is a question laying before to all stakeholders: Did these elections meet the international standards of electoral integrity? Countries around the world have a challenge in common. They are challenged to meet international standards of electoral integrity. There are no standards met in elections if the main stakeholders fail to be successful in their commitments or fail to commit themselves in meeting their responsibilities. Especially if the body which is in charge of administering the election process, such as the Central Election Commission, faces challenges to act in full “engine”, the probability to fail is higher. Albania held in June 2013, general political elections under the new proportional – closed list system, being implemented for the second time following June 2009 elections. The Central Election Commission was reformulated following extensive amendments to the Electoral Code. Was this Body capable to keep in consideration the constitutional right/universal right of people to vote periodically in order to elect their representatives freely, without interference? What is important to note, is that despite challenges, the body in charge of the administration of the voting process showed integrity and willingness to respect the law and universal suffrage rights, answering to the key question: Did these elections met the international standards of electoral integrity?
3
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2021 Parliamentary elections in the Republic of Moldova – An attempt at post-election analysis

100%
Macuhin A.
Eastern Review
|
2021
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vol. 10
39-54
EN
This article analyses the parliamentary elections held in the Republic of Moldova in 2021, as a result of which the right-wing party, formerly in opposition, won, and was able to form its own single-party government with a parliamentary majority, which has not happened in Moldova exactly 20 years – since 2001. In this article the basic positions of the “left” and “right” political camps in the Republic of Moldova before the elections are analysed; as well as the mechanics of the electoral campaign and the voting process in different socio-geographical profiles. In 2021 The Republic of Moldova, for the first time in many years, faced the phenomenon of “overturning elections”; understanding the mechanics of which contributes to the development of a much better political and electoral process in general. At the same time, despite the special nature of the 2021 elections, the electoral political process in the Republic of Moldova continues to show several fixed tendencies, such as the geographical polarization of Moldovan voters residing in the EU or Russia, and the overall objective decrease of interest in the electoral process in general, regardless of the degree of the political and social representation of the political parties represented in the elections.
4
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Digital Intervention in National Political Systems in the Conditions of Contemporary Information Society

94%
Volodenkov S. V.
Przegląd Strategiczny
|
2019
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issue 12
367-377
PL
Artykuł analizuje zjawisko ingerencji cyfrowej w krajowe systemy polityczne w warunkach współczesnego społeczeństwa informacyjnego oraz ewolucję Internetu jako przestrzeni komunikacji politycznej. Wykazano, że interwencja cyfrowa to istotne i jednocześnie złożone, wielowymiarowe zjawisko współczesnej polityki. Pod wieloma względami potencjał zjawiska zakłóceń cyfrowych jest ściśle związany z merytorycznymi i funkcjonalnymi cechami działania i transformacji współczesnego Internetu, który jest aktywnie wykorzystywany przy zmianie ustrojów politycznych w wielu krajach. Inicjatywy krajów zmierzające do utworzenia suwerennych krajowych segmentów przestrzeni internetowej są – z jednej strony – podejmowaną w celu zapewnienia sobie stabilności politycznej próbą ochrony swoich systemów politycznych przed wpływami zewnętrznymi i inwazją, a z drugiej strony, stanowią ryzyko dla demokratycznego potencjału Internetu. Artykuł uzasadnia tezę, że w praktyce zjawisko ingerencji w wybory często staje się nie tyle obiektywnym procesem, co narzędziem wojny informacyjnej, masowej propagandy politycznej i dyskredytacji przeciwników politycznych oraz narzędziem manipulacji, które może być aktywnie wykorzystywane nie tylko przez reżimy autorytarne o niskim poziomie rozwoju demokratycznego. Podkreślono, że różnice w rozumieniu i definiowaniu istoty Internetu przez różne kraje powodują znaczny potencjał konfliktów politycznych w skali globalnej. Prowadzi to autora do wniosku, że konieczne jest utworzenie instytucji zdolnych do zapobiegania konfliktom informacyjnym w przestrzeni internetowej i ich regulowania, a także do ograniczania globalnego ryzyka politycznego (w tym ryzyka związanego z potencjalną ingerencją w proces wyborczy suwerennych państw) i formowania zbiorowej odpowiedzialności za funkcjonowanie globalnego Internetu.
EN
The article analyzes the phenomenon of digital interference with national political systems in the conditions of the modern information society and the evolution of the Internet as a space of political communications. It is shown that digital intervention is relevant but at the same time a complex multidimensional phenomenon of contemporary politics. In many respects, the potential of the digital interference phenomenon is closely related to the substantive and functional features of the functioning and transformation of the contemporary Internet, which has been actively used when changing political regimes in many countries. The initiatives of countries to form the sovereign national segments of the Internet space are, on the one hand, an attempt to protect their political systems from external influence and invasion, to ensure their own political stability, and on the other hand, they pose risks to the democratic potential of the Internet. The article substantiates the thesis that the phenomenon of interference with elections in actual practice often becomes not so much an objective process as an instrument of information warfare, mass political propaganda and discredit of political opponents, a manipulative tool that can be actively used not only by authoritarian regimes with a low level of democratic development. It is noted that differences in understanding and defining the essence of the Internet by various countries give rise to a significant potential for political conflicts on a global scale. This leads the author to conclude that it is necessary to form institutions that are able to prevent and regu- late information conflicts in the Internet space, as well as reduce global political risks (including risks associated with potential interference in the electoral process of sovereign states), forming a collective responsibility in the functioning of the global Internet.
5
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Saudi Arabia’s electoral politics in the making

84%
Szajkowski B.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego ACTA POLITICA
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2012
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issue 25
EN
The aim of this article is to provide an analytical overview of Saudi experiments with electoral politics in the context of a wider reform movement promoted by King Abdullah bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud. The 2004 municipal elections and the dominant subject of voting rights for women are used as illustrations of some of the issues that demonstrate the complexities of these processes. The article traces the limited experience of elections in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia from the foundation of the state in 1924 to the present. It examines the prerogatives of the various bodies formed by respective Saudi rulers as ways and means of introducing a degree of popular participation in the Kingdom at the municipal level. Various reform programmes formulated by Saudi kings are analysed and evaluated. The author suggests that until the 1990s there was an unspoken compact between the Saudi population and the rulers: leave the Al-Saud rule unchallenged and they would take care of all of the citizens’ needs. This compact held until the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the subsequent stationing of thousands of U.S. troops in Saudi Arabia. An Islamic resurgence among Saudis, especially those who fought in Afghanistan against the Soviets in the 1980s, fueled anti-American sentiment and opposition to the royal family’s decision to allow American troops into the country, considered holy ground by Muslim fundamentalists. For a brief moment during and just after the 1991 Gulf war, Saudis found a measure of freedom to question and demand more participation in running the country’s affairs. The royal family promised that reforms would come if the population accepted the presence of US troops during the crisis. Yet the only reform steps that materialized were the 1992 establishment of the Majlis Ash-Shura Council or Shura Council (a consultative body appointed by the government to advice on legislation) and the enactment of the Basic Law of Government (similar in nature to a constitution). The concept and extent of reform became recognized as a legitimate question of contention in Saudi Arabia in 2003. The author analyses in detail the emergence and framework of the small reform movement that became the stimulus for evolutionary political reforms and the authorities’ response to it. Next he examines the expansion of political participation that subsequently followed spelling out and evaluating legal provisions for the 2004 municipal elections, their conduct and results. The article pays particular attention to the issue of women’s electoral rights. The article concludes that the most important of the reform measures – the initiation of the National Dialogues sessions and the staging of partial elections to municipal councils in 2004 – have had a significant impact on the socio-economic discourse in the Kingdom and led to other extremely important reform initiatives. Of these the granting of voting rights to women in 2015 is the latest example of King Abdullah bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud attempts to cautiously shift Saudi society and its political practices towards those existing in the rest of the world. The list of his other initiatives is perhaps less spectacular but in the social and political context of Saudi Arabia they are almost revolutionary. Thus for example in 2010 the King pushed through the sweeping legal reforms and codification of Saudi law needed to meet World Trade Organization and human rights standards. He also decreed that only members of the Council of Senior Islamic Scholars were authorized to issue fatwas in a bid to halt religious rulings that embarrass the country. Only time will tell whether the cautious reforms, including the introduction of the embryonic electoral process recently introduced In Saudi Arabia, represent a viable way forward. In the current context of the country’s socio-political development such initiatives represent a strategic measure to ease societal frustration and to prepare and educate its citizens for perhaps more profound changes to come.
PL
W artykule przeanalizowano tradycję wyborów w Arabii Saudyjskiej, a także dokonano krytycznego przeglądu efektów wprowadzonych zmian wyborczych. Istotnym walorem artykułu jest ukazanie kontekstu przeprowadzanych reform – ich znaczenia dla obywateli i obywatelek Arabii Saudyjskiej, a także ich odbiór w innych krajach regionu Zatoki Perskiej.
6
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The Influence of New Technologies on the Election Process in Lithuania

84%
Kuczyńska-Zonik A.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2021
|
issue 6 (64)
175-188
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza zastosowania nowych technologii (ICT) w procesie wyborczym Litwy rozumianym jako procedury wyborcze, jak i głosowanie elektroniczne. Podczas gdy ICT stosowane są szeroko podczas rejestrowania wyborców, obliczania wyników głosowania czy ogłaszania wyników wyborów, do tej pory koncepcja głosowania elektronicznego na Litwie wywołuje wiele obaw. Przewiduje się jednak, że ze względu na pandemię Covid-19 przyjęte mogą być nowe regulacje, a głosowanie elektroniczne przyczyni się do modernizacji procedur wyborczych i pomoże zachować wymogi sanitarne w obecnej sytuacji kryzysowej. Wykorzystując analizę aktów prawnych, raporty organizacji międzynarodowych i rezultaty badań naukowych, autorka dowodzi, że nowe technologie znacząco wpływają na działalność szeroko rozumianego aparatu wyborczego, mogą zwiększać dostępność i uczestnictwo wyborcze, usprawniać procesy wyborcze w kontekście nowych wyzwań, a także stymulować międzynarodową widoczność państwa.
EN
This article aims to analyze the use of new technologies (ICT) in the election process in Lithuania, understood as election procedures and electronic voting. While ICT is widely used in the registration of voters, calculating voting results, or announcing election results, so far, the concept of electronic voting in Lithuania raises many concerns. However, it is anticipated that due to the COVID-19 pandemic, new regulations may be adopted, and electronic voting will contribute to the modernization of election procedures and help maintain sanitary requirements in the current crisis. Based on the analysis of legal acts, reports of international organizations, and the results of academic research, the author proves that new technologies significantly affect the operation of the broadly understood electoral apparatus. They can also increase electoral accessibility and participation, improve electoral processes in the context of new challenges, and stimulate the international visibility of the state.
7
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The Concept of Electoral Process in the Light of the Electoral Code of Ukraine and Ukrainian Doctrine

84%
Eckhardt K.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2023
|
issue 5(75)
255-266
PL
Celem artykułu jest zarys analizy kodeksowego ujęcia i doktrynalnej interpretacji pojęcia procesu wyborczego w Ukrainie. Autor analizuje pojęcie procesu wyborczego, jego temporalny, podmiotowy i proceduralny aspekt. Przedstawia także regulacje Kodeksu Wyborczego Ukrainy dotyczące zasad procesu wyborczego. Właściwie uregulowany proces wyborczy jest w każdym demokratycznym państwie punktem wyjścia do przeprowadzenia wolnych i uczciwych wyborów przy efektywnej kontroli społecznej. W Ukrainie z wielu powodów jest to nadzwyczajnie ważne. Przepisy uchwalonego w 2019 r. Kodeksu Wyborczego nie były jeszcze nigdy stosowane w wyborach parlamentarnych czy prezydenckich więc ich ocena możliwa jest tylko z punktu widzenia doktrynalnego a poglądy doktryny ukraińskiej są w tej kwestii z oczywistych powodów najbardziej znaczące.
EN
The aim of this paper is to outline an analysis of the codal formulation and doctrinal interpretation of the concept of electoral process in Ukraine. The author analyzes the concept of electoral process, its temporal, subjective and procedural aspects. He also presents the regulations of the Electoral Code of Ukraine on the principles of electoral process. A properly regulated electoral process is the starting point in any democratic state for holding free and fair elections with effective public scrutiny. In Ukraine, this is extraordinarily important for a number of reasons. The provisions of the Election Code passed in 2019 have never been applied in parliamentary or presidential elections to date, and therefore their evaluation is possible only from a doctrinal point of view, and the views of Ukrainian doctrine are the most significant on this issue for obvious reasons.
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Представництво національних меншин Польщі в органах державної влади

67%
Матвієнків С.
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
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2022
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vol. 4(36)
281-301
UK
Питання участі всіх суспільних груп країни в представницьких органах влади усіх рівнів є актуальним для будь-якої держави. Однак чи не найскладнішим є завдання відображення в представницькому органі інтересів національних меншин. Різні країни по-різному приходять до вирішення цього питання. Проблема представництва національних меншин в органах влади існує як для традиційно поліетнічних держав, так і для досить однорідних в етнічному плані держав. Ця проблема буде існувати доти, поки існуватимуть нації, народності, національні меншини. Люди завжди прагнуть ідентифікувати себе з певною спільнотою, а національна ідентифікація є найбільш прийнятною. Загроза асиміляції національних меншин значно посилює прагнення до збереження своєї національної ідентичності, що завжди переходить у площину політичних відносин та необхідності прийняття політичних рішень. У цій статті проаналізована актуальна проблема представництва національних меншин у законодавчих органах Республіки Польща. Метою дослідження став аналіз участі меншинних груп населення у політичному (зокрема, виборчому) процесі держави через формування етнічних еліт та етнополітичних партій. Для повноти розкриття обраної теми були поставлені завдання: обґрунтувати місце і роль національних меншин у суспільно-політичному житті держави; проаналізувати створення політичних партій окремими національними меншинами та їх участь у парламентських та муніципальних виборах. Зроблено висновки, що на сучасному етапі в законодавчих органах влади непропорційно представлені всі національності, які проживають у Польщі.
EN
The question of the participation of all the public groups of the country in representative bodies of all levels is relevant to any state. However, the most difficult task is to represent the representative body of interests of national minorities. Different countries have come up with a different solution to this issue. The problem of the representation of national minorities in the authorities is for both traditionally multi-ethnic states and for countries that are reasonably homogeneous in the ethnic plan. This problem will persist as long as there are nations, nationalities, national minorities. People always seek to identify themselves with a particular community, and national identification is the most acceptable. The threat of assimilation of national minorities greatly enhances the desire to preserve its national identity, which always goes into the area of political relations and the need for political decision-making. This article analyzes the current problem of representation of national minorities in the legislative bodies of the Republic of Poland. The aim of the study was to analyze the participation of minority groups in the political (in particular, electoral) process of the state through the formation of ethnic elites and ethnopolitical parties. To complete the selected topic, the following tasks were set: to substantiate the place and the role of national minorities in the socio-political life of the state, to analyze the creation of political parties by individual national minorities and their participation in parliamentary and municipal elections. It is concluded that at the present stage all nationalities living in Poland are disproportionately represented in the state legislative bodies.
9
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Problem ochrony danych osobowych w wyborach samorządowych w 2018 roku

59%
Papis W.
Roczniki Administracji i Prawa
|
2020
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vol. 3
|
issue XX
193-208
EN
This article is intended by the author as an attempt to review and assess the adaptation of the provisions of broadly defined electoral law in terms of its adaptation and the effectiveness of personal data protection. The author indicates in this study how extensive the scope of personal data collected in the electoral process is, and also how many data processing operations are performed on the data collected during this process. It rises and indicates imperfections of regulations – more accurately, consisting in their imprecision, which may result in a decrease in the effectiveness of actions aimed at protecting personal data of both voters and candidates in elections.
PL
Artykuł ten w zamierzeniu autora jest próbą dokonania przeglądu i oceny dostosowania przepisów szeroko rozumianego prawa wyborczego pod kątem skuteczności ochrony danych osobowych. Autor przedstawia w niniejszym opracowaniu, jak szeroki jest zakres danych osobowych gromadzonych w procesie wyborczym, a zarazem jak wiele operacji przetwarzania danych wykonuje się na gromadzonych w trakcie tego procesu danych. Wskazuje na niedoskonałości przepisów polegające na ich nieprecyzyjności, co może skutkować zmniejszeniem skuteczności działań mających na celu ochronę danych osobowych zarówno wyborców, jak i kandydatów w wyborach.
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