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Umění (Art)
|
2018
|
vol. 66
|
issue 6
466-488
EN
In the Old Royal Palace in the Middle Ages and early Modern Age cycles of rulers evolved, the idea of which was to confirm the legitimacy of the ruling monarch. Around 1360 Charles IV, after being crowned Emperor in Rome in 1355, had a large cycle of world rulers placed in the Throne Room. Two inscriptions found on the south side designated the panel paintings of Emperors Leo IV and Charles III the Fat. According to this it is possible to determine that the cycle ran clockwise and probably began next to the entrance to the hall on the north side.. The basis for its compilation was probably a list, stored now in the Třeboň archive (A 7). The panels, possibly 104 in all, were of a similar size to the panel paintings in the Holy Cross Chapel at Karlstein Castle and possibly also executed by Master Theodoricus and his workshop. During the construction of the Vladislav Hall the cycle vanished, but a new one was created elsewhere, evidently in 1502 by a painter named Hans, perhaps Hans Elfelder. The cycle was placed in the antechamber of the Royal Apartment in the west wing of the Palace and represented Czech rulers, beginning with Přemysl the Ploughman. It perished following the fire in 1541, but we know of it from the codex created by order of Jan Zajíc of Házmburk (ÖNB, Cod. 8043). In 1548 Paolo della Stella, the architect and sculptor of King Ferdinand I, proposed the renovation of this cycle in the Vladislav Hall, where the cycle was to be bordered by the symbols of the Order of the Golden Fleece. The splendid design, comprising forty rulers and a hundred figures in the vaulting, was not adopted for financial reasons and in its place a greatly reduced cycle was started in 1561, consisting of perhaps only seventeen monarchs on the west façade of the wing of the New Office of the Land Rolls. Because of improper technique, the work was stopped before it was even completed and the paintings were whitewashed over. Subsequent proposals for the interior of the Old Diet were not realised either and so the Palace remained without its cycle of rulers. It was not until the arrival of Rudolf II in the new Castle Palace that there were several cycles, but these comprised emperors only.
CS
Ve Starém královském paláci na Pražském hradě vznikaly ve středověku a raném novověku panovnické cykly, jejichž smyslem bylo potvrdit legitimitu vládnoucího panovníka. Asi kolem roku 1360 vznikl velký cyklus světových vládců, který nechal v trůnním sále umístit Karel IV. poté, co byl v roce 1355 v Římě korunován císařem. Dva nápisy nalezené v okenních nikách na jižní straně označovaly deskové obrazy císaře Lva IV. a Karla III. Tlustého, přitom druhý z nich nesl pořadové číslo 81. Podle toho lze určit, že cyklus běžel po směru hodinových ručiček a jižní stěna sálu jej dělila asymetricky. To znamená, že velká část se nacházela na východní a severní straně, kde byl vstup do sálu a začátek cyklu. Česky psaný rukopis v třeboňském archivu (A 7) vznikl podle ztraceného latinského originálu, který asi byl podkladem pro sestavení cyklu a lze jej tak podle něho rekonstruovat. Celkem asi 104 desek bylo podobně velikých jako desky v kapli sv. Kříže na Karlštejně a vzhledem k tomu, že mistr Theodorik jako císařský malíř vlastnil roku 1359 dům na Hradčanech, je možné, že jej se svojí dílnou provedl. Během stavby Vladislavského sálu cyklus zanikl, nový vytvořil na jiném místě patrně v roce 1502 malíř Hans, tedy snad Hans Elfelder (Efeldar). Cyklus byl umístěn v předpokoji královského apartmá v západním křídle paláce a představoval české vládce počínaje Přemyslem Oráčem. Zanikl po požáru v roce 1541, je ale znám z kodexu, který dal vytvořit Jan Zajíc z Házmburku (ÖNB, Cod. 8043). V roce 1548 navrhl stavitel a sochař krále Ferdinanda I. obnovení tohoto cyklu ve Vladislavském sále, přičemž cyklus měly lemovat znaky Řádu zlatého rouna, tak jako v letohrádku v Královské zahradě. Velkolepý návrh, čítající vedle panovníků sto figur v klenbě, nebyl z finančních důvodů přijat a místo něho se v roce 1561 začalo s velmi redukovaným cyklem, čítající asi jen 17 panovníků na západní fasádě křídla Sněmovny. Pro špatnou techniku a kvalitu byla práce ještě před dokončením zastavena a malby zabíleny. Nebyly realizovány ani následné návrhy pro interiér Sněmovny, a tak palác zůstal bez panovnického cyklu. Až Rudolf II. v novém hradním paláci měl několik cyklů, byly to však již jen cykly císařské.
Folia historica Bohemica
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2015
|
vol. 30
|
issue 1
127-156
EN
A paper concerns the history of early modern diplomacy. The study explores operation of the imperial legates’ chapels in Saxon Dresden between the 1660s and 1690s under the rule of the Electors John George II, John George II, John George IV and Frederick Augustus until his conversion to the Catholic confession in 1697. The author summarizes basic information on location of the chapels, the chaplains and their activities and closely analyses problems of local authorities with the legates’ chapels. He illustrates alternations of tolerance and tension in Dresden that coincided with persecutions of the Saxon subjects attending Catholic masses (following 1676), with assaults against members of the legate’s entourage (1683 and 1685) and even with a ban of masses during the legate’s absence (1695). The legates and their chaplains, however, refused to yield and, despite certain limitations, continued to run the chapels.
EN
This short article accounts for the origins of the metropolitan office in Catholic Church. The first chapter describes Greek and the Roman cultural context of this institution referring to the history of the ancient ‘polis’ and the imperial ‘province’. The second chapter deals with the necessity to creating the office of the metropolitan in the early stage of the development of the ecclesial hierarchy given the cultural background present in that historical period. The further analysis shows the way these ecclesiastical units were evolving during the antiquity and the Middle Ages.
4
76%
EN
Practicaly until today there haven’t appeared objectiv scientific works concerning begining and evolution of the byzantine monarchy. Christian Church after 300 years of awful persecutions came out of the underground and had to find itself in the new reality, had to decide whether reconcile and cooperate with the society, or isolate from the fallen world, as had done sects, and save chosen. Church chose the first option and took responsibility for the salvation of the world. In reality the emperor, the recent persecutor of the Church, must have persuaded christians, that he himself was not only their friend but good-doer also. Therefore in the 4th century beside the Church of the eschatological character appeared a new power of a temporary character. History of the Eastern Roman Empire is also the history of the relationship between Church and the empire focused on the earthly dimension of its mission. The very symbol of this relationship was famous byzantine eagle as a representation of one body and two different ideological trends. However those relations had not always been ideal, more or less those two bodies existed through the period of 1100 years on the principle of symphonia-agreement. After the fall of the Eastern Roman Empire, Church by the will of God survived in order to continue its mission of salvation of the fallen world.
PL
Practicaly until today there haven’t appeared objectiv scientific works concerning begining and evolution of the byzantine monarchy. Christian Church after 300 years of awful persecutions came out of the underground and had to find itself in the new reality, had to decide whetherreconcile and cooperate with the society, or isolate from the fallen world, as had done sects, and save chosen. Church chose the first option and took responsibility for the salvation of the world. In reality the emperor, the recent persecutor of the Church, must have persuaded christians, that he himself was not only their friend but good-doer also. Therefore in the 4th century beside the Church of the eschatological character appeared a new power of a temporary character. History of the Eastern Roman Empire is also the history of the relationship between Church and the empire focused on the earthly dimension of its mission. The very symbol of this relationship was famous byzantine eagle as a representation of one body and two different ideological trends. However those relations had not always been ideal, more or less those two bodies existed through the period of 1100 years on the principle of symphonia-agreement. After the fall of the Eastern Roman Empire, Church by the will of God survived in order to continue its mission of salvation of the fallen world.
EN
The article is an attempt to analytically portray the scene of the trial of three Christians, taking place on the Capitol Hill, in front of the temple of Jupiter in Norwid’s poem Quidam. This monumental fresco, divided into many smaller sequences, clearly distinguishes itself from intimate shots prevalent in the text, narrowed to small spaces, small groups of people. The analysis focuses here primarily on the reconstruction of the trial from the perspective of Roman law. Ultimately, this leads to the recognition of historical legal awareness of Norwid, who, upon constructing one of the fundamental visions of his work, drew on the knowledge and literature of the mid-19th-century concerning the role and significance of Roman law.
EN
The events of the second half of the twelfth century was a watershed in the relationship between Poland and Silesia. In general, this period of Polish history is considered to be the beginning of the fragmentation of the Piast patrimony into politically separate principalities. Disagreements between individual Piast dynasts led to a series of civil wars which were sett-led by a further division of the Piast realm as apanages to younger members of the dynasty. Opportunistic Imperial interventions in the turbulent internal politics of the Piast monarchy further complicated matters, specifically the thorny issue of overlordship of Silesia became the key aspect of the relationship between Poland and the Empire. For these reasons the later part of the twelfth century is considered the era in which the origins of the separation of Silesia from the Piast monarchy was first placed.
EN
Christians of the “martyrs era” (especially during the second century AD), discussed not only their role in the polytheistic world and eventually deified political ruler (emperor) but also the basis of authority and legitimacy of the ruler. St. Irenaeus of Lyons and Melito were written also on existing a possible normative context binding ruler which is non-Christian. The author of the study argues that their positions were not identical, and moreover, to some extent were polemical with the views found in the statements of the emperor Marcus Aurelius.
PL
Chrześcijanie „doby męczenników” (zwłaszcza II w. po Chr.) spierali się nie tylko o rolę chrześcijan w świecie zdominowanym przez politeizm i ewentualnie ubóstwianego władcę politycznego (cesarza), lecz także o podstawę władzy i legitymację władcy. Św. Ireneusz z Lyonu i Melito pozostawili jednak również wywody dotyczące istnienia ewentualnego normatywnego kontekstu, który obowiązuje też władcę niebędącego wyznawcą Chrystusa. Autor opracowania wykazuje, że ich stanowiska nie były tożsame, a ponadto w pewnym zakresie były polemiczne względem ujęć znajdowanych w wypowiedziach cesarza Marka Aureliusza.
Vox Patrum
|
2014
|
vol. 61
171-177
EN
St. Ambrose of Milan was the first of the great bishops of the western part of the Empire, who lived and held his pontificate, when the Christian religion has become religio licita, and even for a short period of time he could enjoy the status of Christianity as religio regalis. The position which he held gave him an opportu­nity, or even necessity, frequent contacts with the rulers of the Empire. Therefore, both the personal experience of the secular power, the function exercised by him before he became a bishop, religious and social circumstances, but also pastoral reasons influenced the fact that he formed the image of a Christian emperor, that Ambrose tried to show to his flock, but most of all to the emperors with whom he shared his concern for the Christian world. The article shows the image of a Chri­stian emperor in the letters of St. Ambrose.
Vox Patrum
|
2016
|
vol. 66
411-428
EN
In the quest of theological agreement in Byzantium in the seventh century Emperors played a leading role. The rulers were promoters of the theological discussions and promulgated documents concerning a Christian doctrine oblig­ing all over the Empire. That would lead to a compromise between supporters of both Monophysitism and Chalcedon. The aim of theological compromise was to achieve peace in the Empire in the face of danger. When the necessity for recon­ciliation with the Monophysites ceased to be valid, Emperor Constantine IV con­vened the Council in Constantinople, which condemned the adherents of Mono­theletism. Emperors had a solid ideological basis for their activities. Emperor was treated as a person with religious authority entitled to intervene in the affairs of the Church, even in matters of faith. His concern for the state included not only the secular affairs, but also religious. Religion is subordinated to state authority. Such ideological contents were supported by majority of the hierarchs of the Byzantine Church in the seventh century. The ideology of the special character of the person of the Emperor was especially alive in Byzantium during various crises.
Vox Patrum
|
2016
|
vol. 66
327-351
EN
De scientia politica was written in the form of a Platonist dialogue and constituted a political and philosophical theory of a state and its ruling king or emperor. The writing was created in the 6th century A.D., during the reign of Justinian I. The information about its existence had been known from a short note in Photios Library, long before its parts were found and published in 1827. The author – excellently educated and continuing the Platonist and Neo-Platonist tradition – preferred to remain anonymous, despite some at­tempts of identification. The work is highly intellectual, addressed to educated readers, capable of understanding sophisticated literary references and allusions. The author’s effort to give it a scholarly character is clearly visible. Book IV was devoted to military affairs, whereas Book V – to imperial power, where the author discussed the problem of its origin, limitations, principles of choosing a ruler and ruler’s obligations. While expressing the principles which a 6th century ruler (i.e. already a Christian ruler) should obey, the author makes references to the Greek and Roman writers – Homer, Plato and Neo-Platonists, Cicero, Seneca, Titus Liv­ius and others. The Persian model was not alien to him either and it is not always clear if he took from the pagan or the Christian heritage. Frequent references to the predecessors’ thought do not mean that the author of De Scientia politica uncritically took over all of their views. He rather selected from the antique heritage what he thought to be current and at the same time he tried to adjust his work to the reality of a 6th century world. The work, albeit pre­served only in fragments is, according to P. N. Bell: „the only surviving example of a Neo-Platonic political theory outside the Arab world”.
PL
W dzisiejszych czasach kara, która najbardziej ogranicza prawa człowieka, to kara pozbawienia lub ograniczenia wolności. Jednak myśl, aby uwięzić człowieka swoimi korzeniami sięga początków dziejów ludzkości. Badania historyczne dowodzą, że więzienia są jedną z najstarszych instytucji, jaka została stworzona przez społeczeństwo. W starożytnym Rzymie oskarżeni, za wszelkiego rodzaju przestępstwa i wykroczenia, trafiali nie tylko do więzień publicznych, nad którymi władzę i kontrolę sprawowało państwo lub bezpośrednio władca, ale i prywatnych. Istnienie właśnie tych ostatnich stanowi ciekawy wątek w historii starożytnej. W badaniach nad zagadnieniem „privatus carcer” wykorzystano materiał źródłowy pochodzący głównie z analiz rzymskich aktów prawnych, ogłoszonych w IV-VI w. i zamieszczonych w Kodeksie Teodozjańskim i Kodeksie Justyniańskim.
EN
Nowadays punishment that most restricts human rights is the deprivation or restriction of liberty. However, idea to imprison a man is dating back to the beginning of human history. Historical research shows that prisons are one of the oldest institution, which were created by the society. In ancient Rome, the accused for all kinds of offenses was sent not only to the public prison, where the authority and control were exercised by the State or directly by sovereign, but also to the private one. The existence of the latter one is an interesting topic in ancient history. In a study on the issue of “privatus carcer” source material has been used, mainly from the studies on Roman legislation, announced in the IV-VI century and contained in the Code of Theodosius and the Code of Justin.
DE
Die Strafe, die heute meistens die Menschenrechte beschränkt, ist der Entzug oder die Einschränkung der Freiheit. Doch die Idee der Inhaftierung des Mannes hat seine Wurzeln in den Anfängen der Menschheitsgeschichte. Die historische Forschung zeigt, dass die Gefängnisse eine der ältesten Institution sind, die von der Gesellschaft erstellt wurde. Der Angeklagte für alle Arten von Straftaten wurde im alten Rom nicht nur zum öffentlichen Gefängnis unter der Kontrolle des Staates oder direkt des Herrschers geschickt, sondern auch zum privaten Kerker. Die Existenz des privaten Gefängnisses ist ein interessantes Thema in der alten Geschichte. In der Frage nach dem privaten Gefängnis („privatus carcer“) wurden hauptsächlich die Quellen verwendet, besonders die Gesetzgebung in den IV-VI Jahrhunderten angekündigt und im Kodex von Justyn und im Kodex von Theodosius enthalten.
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę analitycznego przybliżenia sceny sądu nad trzema chrześcijanami, rozgrywającą się na Kapitolu, przed Jowiszowym templum w Norwidowym poemacie Quidam. Ten monumentalny fresk, rozpisany na wiele mniejszych sekwencji, wyraźnie odróżnia się swoim charakterem od dominujących w tekście ujęć kameralnych, zawężonych do niewielkich przestrzeni, niewielkich grup osób. Analiza skupia się tu przede wszystkim na rekonstrukcji przebiegu procesu z punktu widzenia rzymskiego prawa. Ostatecznie prowadzi do rozpoznania historycznej świadomości prawnej Norwida, który, konstruując jedną z zasadniczych wizji swojego utworu, sięgał po wiedzę i literaturę przedmiotu połowy XIX wieku, dotyczącą stanu i znaczenia prawa rzymskiego.
EN
The article is an attempt to analytically portray the scene of the trial of three Christians, taking place on the Capitol Hill, in front of the temple of Jupiter in Norwid’s poem Quidam. This monumental fresco, divided into many smaller sequences, clearly distinguishes itself from intimate shots prevalent in the text, narrowed to small spaces, small groups of people. The analysis focuses here primarily on the reconstruction of the trial from the perspective of Roman law. Ultimately, this leads to the recognition of historical legal awareness of Norwid, who, upon constructing one of the fundamental visions of his work, drew on the knowledge and literature of the mid-19th-century concerning the role and significance of Roman law.
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę analitycznego przybliżenia sceny sądu nad trzema chrześcijanami, rozgrywającą się na Kapitolu, przed Jowiszowym templum w Norwidowym poemacie Quidam. Ten monumentalny fresk, rozpisany na wiele mniejszych sekwencji, wyraźnie odróżnia się swoim charakterem od dominujących w tekście ujęć kameralnych, zawężonych do niewielkich przestrzeni, niewielkich grup osób. Analiza skupia się tu przede wszystkim na rekonstrukcji przebiegu procesu z punktu widzenia rzymskiego prawa. Ostatecznie prowadzi do rozpoznania historycznej świadomości prawnej Norwida, który, konstruując jedną z zasadniczych wizji swojego utworu, sięgał po wiedzę i literaturę przedmiotu połowy XIX wieku, dotyczącą stanu i znaczenia prawa rzymskiego.
EN
The article is an attempt to analytically portray the scene of the trial of three Christians, taking place on the Capitol Hill, in front of the temple of Jupiter in Norwid’s poem Quidam. This monumental fresco, divided into many smaller sequences, clearly distinguishes itself from intimate shots prevalent in the text, narrowed to small spaces, small groups of people. The analysis focuses here primarily on the reconstruction of the trial from the perspective of Roman law. Ultimately, this leads to the recognition of historical legal awareness of Norwid, who, upon constructing one of the fundamental visions of his work, drew on the knowledge and literature of the mid-19th-century concerning the role and significance of Roman law.
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