Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Refine search results

Journals help
Years help
Authors help

Results found: 35

first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  empire
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last
EN
This article looks at the contemporary rebuilding of the sphere of influence of the Russian Federation, which covers the area of the so-called “near abroad”. The choice of the tactics results from the possible influence of the Russian state in this area. Thus, in addition to using the techniques of the so-called soft power, the catalogue includes primarily those activities that enable Russian decision-makers to manage conflict. The process of ‘claiming Russian land back’, initiated since the collapse of the bipolar system, should be interpreted as a political imperative to return to imperial politics. The instruments for their implementation were both traditionally understood leadership in the world, when the fate of all states and nations was decided by the greatest powers, to which Russia belonged from the first half of the nineteenth century. Another very effective tool for restoring the status quo ante of the ‘Russian empire’ turned out to be the ancient Roman strategy of divide et impera, an approach that has made it possible, from the very beginning, for the Russian Federation to strive to restore its hegemonic position in the territory of the countries that once formed the Soviet Union with it. The inability to impose sovereignty by such a soft influence or to inspire and extinguish potential conflicts has led to the armed assertion of its rights by Russia. Consequently, the policy adopted by Russian decision-makers may not only cause an armed conflict on a large European scale, but also other artificially induced cataclysms, difficult to predict, the consequences of which will have to be handled by the future generations.
2
88%
Res Rhetorica
|
2015
|
vol. 2
|
issue 2
2-15
EN
American empire is sustained by the mythic incantations of rhetorical rituals constituting an attitude of war. The discourse of empire consists of dead metaphors that lend a sense of necessity and inevitability to war by depicting it as rhythmical, timeless, migratory, clean, and heroic. It is a persistent but declining discourse. Its totalizing worldview resists critique, leaving it politically moribund and exposed to transformation by tricksters.
XX
Imperium amerykańskie opiera się na mitycznych zaklęciach i retorycznych rytuałach kreujących obraz wojny. Dyskurs imperium składa się z martwych metafor, które nadają poczucie konieczności i nieuchronności wojny, przedstawiając ją jako rzeczywistość rytmiczną, ponadczasową, nomadyczną, szlachetną i heroiczną. Światopogląd wyrażany w tak natarczywym dyskursie jest odporny na wszelką krytykę, czyniąc go politycznie martwym i narażając na mistyfikacje.
Linguaculture
|
2010
|
vol. 2010
|
issue 2
9-27
EN
The paper focuses on passages that, within a context of national identity, enable us to clarify notions of empire, state, and nation in these three writers. In the course of working in this area, I believe I have uncovered an important public debate on the topic between Marlowe and Peele.
PL
The article addresses the issue of relations between Rome and its provinces on the example of the community of legionnaires serving on the Iberian Peninsula. The legion service was not limited to the military aspect, which is manifested in the numerous mutinies of the soldiers. By juxtaposing the account of chroniclers of the period with the findings of contemporary historians concerning the causes of mutinies the author presents the material and social dimension of Roman expansion.
EN
The article analyses the system of international relations in the context of transformation of a unipolar world order, led by the United States, into a multipolar system. The globalization process actualized the problem of dialogue among cultures and civilizations as well as clash of civilizations. Questions of the correlation between the concepts of empire and local civilization remain somewhat debatable. Diverse types of empires have emerged as important political players over a prolonged period of time from modern to postmodern. Traditional empires with their economic, spiritual and cultural environment became history. The question remains about the relationship between globalization and intellectual imperialism. This recognised that the key issue is the introduction of information technologies and the globalization in cyberspace. Theories of globalization claim to be able to explain all the major changes occurring in today’s world. Hence, there are a host of competing interpretations of the new global society, due to which the idea of globalization has remained vague and failed to go beyond the general concepts of global imperia or global civilization. The materialist conception of history regards material production and people’s transforming activity as the basis of history, thereby shedding light on the objective laws of the development of human society, along with the sources and driving forces behind the history of the world. Globalization is defined as the integration of productive forces of humanity on a global scale, which constitutes the material basis for its worldwide unity, the unity of its history and societal development. Such consolidation becomes possible only after and due to the global expansion of modern capitalism.
EN
Book Review: Xavier Bougarel (2018). Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires. London-New York: Bloomsbury AcademicThe review of the latest book by Xavier Bougarel focuses on the main concepts of the work: the notion of empire as a methodological and theoretical framework, the relation between Islam and the national idea, and the process of Bosniak nation-building. Recenzja książki: Xavier Bougarel (2018). Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires. London-New York: Bloomsbury AcademicRecenzja najnowszej książki Xaviera Bougarela koncentruje się na najważniejszych kwestiach, takich jak: pojęcie imperium, będące ramą ideologiczną i teoretyczną dla interpretacji autora, relacja między Islamem a ideą narodową, oraz proces definiowania narodu boszniackiego.
EN
The aim of the article is to present possible scenarios on maintaining democracy in the EU, while assuming different hypothetical directions in which it could develop as a federation, empire and Europe à la carte. Selected mechanisms, norms and values of the EU system that are crucial for the functioning of democracy in the European Union are the subject of this research. The abovementioned objective of scenario development is achieved through distinguishing the notions of policy, politics and polity in the research. In the analysis of the state of democracy in the European Union both the process (politics) and the normative approach (policy) have been adopted. The characterised norms, structures, values and democratic procedures in force in the EU will become a reference point for the projected scenarios. The projection refers to a situation when the existing polity transforms into a federation, empire or Europe à la carte. The article is to serve as a projection and is a part of a wider discussion on the future of the basis on which the European Union is build.
EN
The article explores Herman Melville’s use of allegory in the critique of American expansionism in his novel Pierre. Allegorical structures encoded in this text are identified through references to Thomas Cole’s cycle of manifestly allegorical paintings entitled The Course of Empire. Melville’s novel and Cole’s pictures reveal meaningful similarities. The writer and the painter both use spatial and temporal constructions as a way of conveying ideological senses. In this respect, of crucial significance is a transition from the pastoral to the urban setting and imagery to be found in the novel and in the paintings. In accordance with the principle of allegory, Melville and Cole employ specific methods of universalizing human experience, although they create markedly different combinations of universality and historicity. Cole dehistoricizes his paintings, at the same time suggesting important historical analogies, whereas Melville evidently puts stress on historical contingency. Ultimately, they both foreground the deterministic dimension of individual and collective existence, thus raising questions about the problematic nature of human agency in an imperial culture.
10
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Rosja: imperium i literatura

75%
RU
Автор ставит вопрос о том, каким образом современная русское сознание отображенов литературе России. Он указывает несколько произведений важных в этом отношении и подчеркивает роль нового реализма (Роман Сенчин, Андрей Дмитриев, Петр Алешковский) и женской прозы (Людмила Петрушевская, Елена Чижова, Гузель Яхина) в процессе деконструирования империального великорусского мифа.
EN
The author asks which way contemporary Russians’ consciousness is depicted in new Russian literature. He shows a few important novels published in the last decades and the role of neorealistic literature (Roman Senchin, Andrey Dmitriyev, Petr Aleshkovsky) and books written by women writers (Ludmila Petrushevskaya, Elena Chizhova, Guzel Yakhina) in deconstructing of neo-imperial and The Big Russia myth.
PL
Autor stawia pytanie o to, w jaki sposób współczesna rosyjska świadomość znajduje odzwierciedlenie w literaturze tego kraju. Wskazuje w tej roli kilka znaczących utworów z ostatnich dziesięcioleci oraz podkreśla funkcję literatury nowego realizmu (Roman Sienczin, Andriej Dmitrijew, Piotr Aleszkowski) oraz literaturę pisaną przez kobiety (Ludmiła Pietruszewska, Jelena Czyżowa, Guzel Jachina) w procesie dekonstruowania neoimperialnego i wielkoruskiego mitu.
EN
In Western discourses, the terms state and nation embrace very different concepts, which have undergone much change throughout the last millennium. The term nation was mostly connected with political participation. The stronger visibility of state-building processes was always the consequence of a necessity to create concrete legal institutions. In the general perspective, international systems differentiated between empires and (smaller) nation states. Stereotypes are produced by emotionalizing the perception of nations and states. A closer analysis shows that Western discourses about Eastern Europe and East Central Europe express a colonial attitude, because they present quite similar images and functions about Asia and Africa.
|
2016
|
vol. 13
|
issue 28
35-50
EN
This essay contextualises Shakespeare as product of a field of forces encapsulating national identity and relative cultural status. It begins by historicising the production of national poets in Romantic and Nationalist terms. Lefevere’s conceptual grid is then used to characterise the system that underpins the production of Shakespeare as British national poet, and his place within the canon of world literature. The article defines this context first before moving onto the figure of Shakespeare, by referring to various high status texts such as the Kalevala, the Aeneid, The Faerie Queene and Paradise Lost. The position accorded Shakespeare at the apex is therefore contingent upon a series of prior operations on other texts, and their writers. Shakespeare is not conceived as attaining pre-eminence because of his own innate literary qualities. Rather, a process of elimination occurs by which the common ascription of the position of national poet to a writer of epic is shown to be a cultural impossibility for the British. Instead, via Aristotle’s privileging of tragedy over epic, the rise of Shakespeare is seen as almost a second choice because of the inappropriateness of Spenser and Milton for the position.
EN
National movement and further development of national benchmarks of the Czech people at the beginning of the revolution of 1848-1849 are one of the most socio-political contextualized pages in the past of the Slavic peoples in Europe.The research is considered to be topical since the process of formation of national ideology in the 19th century, that occured in the Czech environment, took place in terms of distribution of the national principle and state formation in the majority of the European countries. The purpose of the research is to enlighten the course, laws and specifics of formation of the Czech national paradigm at the beginning of the revolution of 1848-1849. The object of the study is the Czech National Movement, the subject of scientific analysis is the national ideology developing under the influence of both internal and external factors.To achieve the main goal of the research the author has considered it to be necessary to solve a number of the following tasks: to scientifically, logically, argumentatively and coherently lay out specifics of the process of Czech national ideology formation and reveal its main features. It should be emphasized that by the beginning of the revolution the Czech national patriotic mood was not limited merely by the demand of the cultural reforms, it gradually transformed into the context of new political and socio-economic ideas. At the same time, in the meaning of national paradigm of the Czech National Movement the idea of its moderation or passive opposition actualized drastically. In general Czech national paradigm was a certain mixture of political ideas, in wich political freedom - democracy, social and personal guarantees - took a somewhat secondary place, the struggle for the national justice with its moral and cultural principles, beginnings of which can be found in linguistic and historical ideologeme of the Czech awakening, became dominant.
EN
Belligerent ignorance has always proved strategic in the hegemonic goals of empire. The imperial history of the present is no exception. The Know-Nothing Party was founded in the USA in 1843, a pivotal year in America’s history of territorial expansion. It was disbanded as a national political party in the no-less pivotal year of 1860, a year in which patriotic gore would turn on itself as the grossly misnamed Civil War. Nonetheless, the political and ideological tenets of the Know-Nothing Party endure with global repercussions in the twenty-first century. The literary and historiographic diagnoses of this deliberate bellicosity founded on the cultivation of ignorance have ranged from poetic to critical discourse starting in the nineteenth century. Nonetheless, in the twenty-first century, what the Germans termed schrecklichkeit (“ruthless terror”) to describe the horrors of World War I continues to be visited on peoples and nations targeted by imperial hubris and economic rapacity through a cynical strategy of expediently manufactured ignorance. Keywords: agnotology, doublespeak, empire, epistemology, hegemony, media, realpolitik, xenophobia.
PL
Artykuł omawia problemy związane z przyczynami pojawienia się i procesem kształtowania cesarstwa na Zachodzie, które pojawiło się w 800 r. po Chr., a także stosunek cesarza Karola względem papiestwa. Z uwzględnieniem kontekstów politycznego (problemy królestw i systemu feudalnego) oraz eklezjalnego (Sobór Nicejski II) omawiane są niezwykle istotne i ogólniejsze debaty historyków o koncepcjach monistycznej i dualistycznej określających relacje między papieżami i cesarzami.
EN
The article discusses the problems of determining the starting point of history of the Western Empire in 800 AC and Emperor Charlemagne position towards papacy. In the political (problems with kingship and feudal system) and ecclesiastical (Second Council of Nicaea) contexts are also present very important and more general debates of historians on monistic or dualistic conceptions which form interrelations between popes and emperors.
EN
The heritage of civilizations in geopolitics is progressively used to consolidate the vision of a multipolar world and, thereby, to establish its important place in the arena of international affairs. Civilizational heritage and civilizational imagination become increasingly important geopolitical factors which begin to shape the relations between China, Russia, Turkey, the United States and the European Union. In global politics during the last decades, in one way or another, Samuel Huntington’s ideas of the interactions between civilizations and their development externalised with the stress on the increase of civilizational conflicts. These ideas made great impact on political elites of main world powers. The author of this article—drawing attention to the importance of cultural and especially religious factors for civilizational processes and the interactions between civilizations, which were also raised by Huntington—examines the peculiarities of the Russian and Turkish civilizational and geopolitical discourses, and connects to those discourses the current geopolitics pursued by the political elites of these countries. The promotion of the current role of the civilization and its geopolitical legacy highlights the uniqueness of civilizations and creates an effort to strengthen the civilizational imagination and to use the civilizational imperial experience and its cultural heritage in current political events. The Russian discourse is characterised by the historical anti-Western and anti-European attitude of Eurasian Messianic civilizational distinctiveness, while the Turkish rhetoric is characterised by the elevation of the imperial Ottoman Islamic cultural and political heritage. Both the discourses are linked by an imperial mentality, orientation towards a multi-civilizational and multi-polar world as well as the demand to create a new world order in line with such an emerging worldview. The article also discusses some of the ideas prevailing in the European Union that underpin the policy of creating a post-national European cosmopolitan community. However, such discourse lacks a cultural, civilizational as well as religious heritage, which brings people together and can form a long-lasting sense of civilizational community.
Roczniki Kulturoznawcze
|
2015
|
vol. 6
|
issue 1
111-123
PL
Artykuł stanowi analizę tekstów rosyjskiego konserwatywnego myśliciela, Konstantego Leontjewa, który w obliczu apokaliptycznych nastrojów rosyjskiej inteligencji 2 połowy XIX wieku próbował zdiagnozować przyczynę „choroby” kultury i znaleźć remedium na ów stan rzeczy. Nie był odosobniony w swoim przekonaniu, że Rosja przestanie istnieć jako samodzielna kultura, jeśli nie zahamuje napływu niszczących, jego zdaniem, idei zachodnich. Podobne przekonanie głosili Fiodor Dostojewski i Konstanty Pobiedonoscew. W artykule Przeciętny Europejczyk jako ideał i narzędzie ogólnoświatowej destrukcji Leontjew stwierdzał, że przedstawiciel cywilizacji zachodniej jest obojętny na piękno, zafascynowany rozwojem technicznym, oderwany od życiowych sił natury, cechuje się moralną ambiwalencją, a jednocześnie jest niezwykle ekspansywny. Postęp, którego celem jest materialny dobrobyt; trywialnie pojmowane szczęście, jawiły się myślicielowi jako zagrożenie dla istnienia państwa i religii. Ratunek upatrywał w silnej władzy carskiej, który to typ rządów nazywał „despotyzmem formy”. Myśliciel gloryfikował jedynowładztwo również z pozycji człowieka, który sens życia postrzega w poszukiwaniu i tworzeniu piękna, zmaganiach z rzeczywistością, a nie jedynie poruszaniu się w bezpiecznym, lecz nudnym, przewidywalnym świecie egalitaryzmu.
EN
The paper includes the analysis of some texts of the Russian conservative thinker, Konstanty Leontyev who was confronted with the apocalyptic moods of the Russian intelligentsia of the second half of the 19th century. He made an effort to diagnose the “disease” and find a remedy. He was not single with his conviction that Russia would cease to exist as an independent culture unless stopped the influence of the Western ideas. Similar thoughts were expressed by Fyodor Dostoevsky and Konstanty Pobiedonoscew. In the article An European Man as an ideal and a device for the worldwide destruction Leontyev claimed that a representative of the Western civilization is indifferent to beauty, fascinated by technical progress, morally ambivalent and, at the same time, extremely expansive. The progress which is aimed at material prosperity and crude happiness Leontyev recognized as a threat for the State and Religion. Strong Tsar’s power, that he called a “despotism of form”, he regarded as remedy for the dangerous situation. He also glorified the state power as the person who perceived the meaning of life in searching and creating beauty, struggle with the real world. He contested the safe but boring and predictable world of egalitarianism.
PL
W grudniu 1991 r. ostatecznie rozpadł się Związek Socjalistycznych Republik Radzieckich (ZSRR), który to fakt można uznać za największe wydarzenie geopolityczne XX w. Dezintegracja imperium radzieckiego oznaczała kres dwubiegunowego systemu międzynarodowego, w którym rywalizowały ze sobą dwa bloki zorganizowane ideologicznie, politycznie, ekonomicznie i militarnie wokół dwóch globalnych supermocarstw – Stanów Zjednoczonych oraz Związku Radzieckiego. Rozpad ZSRR ostatecznie uwolnił demokratyzujący się na fali pieriestrojki i własnych masowych ruchów demokratycznych środkowoeuropejski satelicki blok socjalistyczny od zależności od Moskwy. Można wyróżnić kilka grup czynników, które przyczyniły się do upadku Związku Radzieckiego i ideologii, na której się opierał – komunizmu. Były to czynniki ideologiczne, polityczne, ekonomiczne, narodowościowe i społeczne. Niniejszy tekst traktuje o ekonomicznych przyczynach rozpadu ZSRR, gdyż gospodarka była uznawana przez marksistowskich ideologów radzieckich za „bazę” całego systemu, a pozostałe jego komponenty – za „nadbudowę”.
19
63%
EN
The brief, but interesting, work by Apuleius constitutes a fixed point both to delineate the biography of the famous African rhetorician, a native of Madaura, and to trace a picture with quite defined outlines on the social and cultural, economic and political aspect, in which he was paying the Roman Empire in the second century aD, especially in that rich southern Mediterranean area. In this short essay the close relationship between culture and magic is highlighted. In culturally backward populations, the educated person is often referred to as a magician, a name which, with its semantic nuances, continues today, especially in some villages of southern Italy. So magician, both in the singular and in the plural, means both the educated person and those who are able to spell or predict the future.
EN
It is a historical fact that the objective conditions for the successful practical implementation of the idea of regional European integration first emerged in Central and Eastern Europe. However, the theoretical basis and first practical attempts to uptake the ideas of European states unity have deep historical roots, which should be taken into account in the study of modern European integration processes. Each of the European actors (Germans, Austrians, Czechs, Slovaks) has a unique historical experience of regional and continental policies formation and implementation. The first half of the 19th century was marked by the beginning of the active national self-determination process of the peoples of Central and Southeast Europe. At this stage of history traditions were being destroyed, nations began to emerge, and Slavic politicians worked on the content of their national projects. And the final result of many politicians’ plans of the Austrian Empire was the construction of national states. In any case, the national ideologists’ positive attitude towards the idea of a civilized cultural unity of the peoples of Europe remained unchanged. It was on its basis that the keystone of national ideologies was built. Accordingly, the aim of the article has been to study the idea of Austro-Slavism as the theoretical project of integration of the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe. The research has proved that in the 1830’s and 1840’s ethnic European elites directed their intelligence towards the formation of their national and cultural framework. Therefore the organization of the Slavic Congress in 1848 became a reaction to the national processes in Europe. The Congress should be considered as one of the links in the overall chain of growing European nationalism. At the Slavic Assembly the Czechs put forward the idea of federalist Austro-Slavism. The idea itself was quite often valued mainly as a small, regional Slavic- Austrian project. Such an assessment should be considered as somewhat incomplete. The materials of the Congress confirm that the idea of Austro- Slavism should be considered as a promising concept in terms of determining the future of the united Europe. European Thought, as part of a comprehensive idea of the unity of European civilization, gradually became a spiritual tradition that passed from generation to generation of the Slavic politicians. The basis for numerous projects of the “United Europe” was laid. Only today the European community can understand that a new ideological content of the emancipation of the monarchy was laid in the federalist approach — the implementation of a supranational construction of a state that in the long run could be a model of Pan-European significance.
first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.