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EN
The aim of the article is to describe the theoretical basis of the liberal democracy according to Ernest Laclau. His conception is a useful device for the analysis of a socio-political situation of Others (the Excluded). By exposing Laclau theoretical perspective (discourse, empty signifier, hegemony, emancipation) I attempted to display that this perspective does not only define the significant frames, thanks to which the social life may go further, but it also reveals the multiplicity of contexts, diversity of social issues and various possibilities of their interpretation. Important factor of this perspective is that it points out the need for taking the action, which is aimed to improve democracy. According to Laclau the moment of visualization of our desires is much more important than its realization, because it drives us toward action and creative thinking.
EN
The aim of this paper is to examine the emergence of the idea of the creative industries in a particular former socialist country – Estonia. Instead of regarding the creative industries as an economic sector, the article (re)conceptualises it as an ‘empty signifier’. The paper borrows its central theoretical concepts (hegemony, empty signifier, floating signifier) from post-Marxist discourse theory and employs them to explore the ways in which the creative industries are instituted within particular social, discursive or political struggles. The article proposes that Laclauian (or post-Marxist) discourse theory can raise some new fruitful methodological problems and challenging research directions among the researchers of the creative industries and cultural policy, especially in the Eastern European context.
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EN
Despite disparaging undertones surrounding the term “populism” in public debate, the phenomenon remains an elusive and contested concept among political theorists. This paper suggests utilising Ernesto Laclau’s theory of populism to offer a new perspective on the dynamics of the so-called Prague Spring. The Prague Spring appears to be a unique period in Czechoslovak history, almost as ungraspable as defining or understanding populism seems unattainable in political theory. Laclau’s understanding of populism, however, may draw attention to the layers of the political development that have previously been neglected, i.e., the discourse and rhetoric of political representatives, and, therefore, lead to a deeper understanding of Prague Spring’s dynamics. Thus, the paper applies a key category of Laclau’s theory, the “empty signifier”, to grasp the notion of “January”. The thrust of the paper’s argument is that after the plenary session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in January 1968, the name “January” emerged through uncensored media channels and started being used by various actors as an empty signifier to constitute the “people”.
PL
Artykuł stanowi porównawcze studium polskiego i amerykańskiego prawicowego populizmu oraz sposobów ich funkcjonowania. Studium wykorzystuje analizę strukturalną jako główne narzędzie badawcze. Jego celem jest wykazanie, że w istocie to właśnie strukturalne podobieństwo odpowiada za sukces populizmów w różnych środowiskach. Badając przykłady populistycznej retoryki i zauważając zaskakującą skuteczność podobnych dyskursów w różnych politycznych i społecznych warunkach, eksponuję wewnętrzną strukturę populizmu(ów). Zauważam, że populizm(y) zbudowany(e) jest(są) przede wszystkim z pustych znaczących. Te znaczące mogą by następnie łączone w większe struktury. Wśród nich fundamentalna dla populizmu jest przede wszystkim struktura opozycji: “my”-“oni”. Takie mityczne struktury są wystarczająco elastyczne, by móc w nie wpisać dowolny podmiot lub przedmiot. Są też wystarczająco elastyczne, by przekraczać granice dziedzin i granice geopolityczne, by „wędrować” po globalnym świecie.
EN
This article makes a comparative study of American and Polish rightist populisms and their ways of operating using structural analysis of their discourses as a main tool of examination. It aims to prove that those are indeed structural similarities that are responsible for the success of populisms in diverse environments. While examining examples of populist rhetorics and noticing the surprising efficacy of similar discourse in different political and social conditions, I expose internal structure of populism(s). I state that populism(s) is constructed mostly by and on empty signifiers. Those signifiers can then be matched in broader structures, of which the most fundamental one is the opposition: “We”-“Them”. Such mythological structures are flexible enough so that any subject or object can be inscribed into them. They are also flexible enough to transgress the borders of one domain and to transgress state borders: to “wander” around the global world.
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