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1
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Pamięć jako narzędzie walki w konfliktach etnicznych. Casus Irlandii Północnej

100%
Szczecińska-Musielak E.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2014
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issue 5(31/1)
483-503
EN
In case of ethnic conflicts, groups may use memories or symbols of casualties or events which happened during conflict, as a specific symbolic weapon. Weapon addressed to the opponent, usually “the other” group defined as “enemy”, but in the same time as a message addressed to “my” group. Visual displays of Ulster conflict – murals, flags and emblems, painted kerbstones – have been used not only to create patterns of social memory and remembering but also social‑ethnic group identity. These visual displays play significant role in constructing Belfast landscape and Belfast “ethnic identity”.
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Spatial analysis of ethnopolitical mobilisation in the Caucasus in the 1980s and 1990s

100%
Jelen L.
Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series
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2014
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vol. 25
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issue 25
115-128
EN
The paper aims to create a set of indicators which could best explain the varying intensity of ethnopolitical mobilisation in the Caucasian region. Selected data on social indicators of individual Caucasian territorial units are examined with help of correlation and regression analysis. The analysis results also show relations among individual social indicators which can help understand social and ethnic processes within the units.
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Social Conflict Theory in Studying the Conflict in Northern Ireland

100%
Szczecińska-Musielak E.
Polish Sociological Review
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2016
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vol. 193
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issue 1
119-136
EN
The aim of this paper is to discuss the usefulness of social conflict theory as a theoretical framework for analyzing the conflict in Northern Ireland. The social conflict theories under consideration are Lewis Coser’s functionalist theory of conflict, Ralf Dahrendorf’s theory, and Randall Collins’ sociology of conflict. The main question is whether social conflict theories provide a useful analytical tool in understanding ethnic conflicts: their nature, bases, and the actions of the social actors involved.
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Rola nacjonalizmu w azersko-ormiańskim sporze wokół Górskiego Karabachu

88%
Konarzewska N.
Studia Politologiczne
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2012
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vol. 23
407-432
EN
This article attempts to explain relation between nationalism and ethnic conflict – the derived hypotheses are tested on the Nagorno-Karbakh conflict – Armenian- Azeri conflict that has developed into war after collapse of the USSR. In particular, author polemizes against popular statement that ethnic animosity between Armenians and Azeris is primordial and rooted in ancient times. Roots of ethnic nationalism and ethnic conflict can be seen in Russian Empire and USSR nationalities policy, which were partially responsible for nationalistic mobilization after both empires collapsed. It is worthwile to mention that nationalistic mobilization is only partially responsible for conflict militarization, because danger of ethnic violence is usually higher during transitional periods. However ethnic nationalism can play major role in defining an aim and possible mechanisms of ethnic mobilization. Also, it can be assumed that nationalism is partially responsible for lack of peaceful settlement of Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. First part of the analysis deals with methodological problems in research on nationalism in the South Caucasus. Second part provides historical overview and explains rise of nationalism as well as possible causes of Armenian-Azeri animosity. Third part deals with Soviet nationalities policy, which instruments: ethnofederalism and institutionalization of ethnicity are key factors responsible for strenghtening titular nationalities and rise of ethnic nationalism after collapse of the USSR. Finally, article explains role of myths of ethnogenesis in diffusion of the ethnic nationalism.
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Changes of American Foreign Policy towards the Countries of the Former Yugoslavia between 1991-1995

75%
Vomlela L.
Central European Papers
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2016
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vol. 4
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issue 1
63-81
EN
Article deals with the changes of the foreign policy of the United States of America after the end of the Cold War towards disintegrating Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Article tries to explain the main reasons which influenced the process of disintegration of Yugoslavia and led to the war between 1991 and 1995. The main attention is paid to the main reasons of changes of the U.S. role and involvement in the conflict. It also evaluates the main goals and strategies of Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks. The last part deals with the negotiations in Dayton in 1995, which ended one of the most important conflicts after 1945 and it evaluates the significance of Dayton Peace Accord.
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Украина и Польша в контексте своего исторического опыта. Действительно ли суть Проблемы Заключается в степане бандере?

75%
Drzewiecki A.
Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW
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2014
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issue 4
7-40
EN
For a few decades, Polish foreign policy was determined by the geographic location and a difficult to classify complex, at one time German, at another Soviet and, at times, by the both of them simultaneously. It was particularly apparent during the interwar period and it unquestionably affected Poland’s relations with its neighbours. Throughout the interwar period, they had an “increased temperature,” with the exception of Romania, whose border was considered as peaceful. Another problem of similar importance was the domestic situation of the country which maintained clumsy policy towards many national minorities. The author has drawn attention to some aspects of Polish-Ukrainian relations and has attempted to seek answers to one crucial question: why did Polish-Ukrainian border become an area of ethnic conflict that turned out to be so dramatic for both sides. The author believes that the present situation in Ukraine and Poland’s involvement in resolving it are not the reason why the his-torical truth about the massacres of Poles from Eastern Borderlands should suffer. There are reasons to believe that both sides contributed to the surge of nationalism, but the measures which were adopted were inadequate and had all the signs of organised genocide and ethnic cleansing. Ukraine has a sovereign right to honour its heroes. Similarly, Poland has a sovereign right to judge this tragic chapter in the history of both nations and to promote its own perspective.
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Junáci a oběti: diskurzivní strategie srbského nacionalismu v 80. a 90. letech 20. století

75%
Žaba J.
Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)
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2021
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vol. 107
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issue 2
373-397
EN
This article discusses two discursive figures that provided Serbian nationalism in the period of the Jugoslav crisis in the 1980s and 1990s with a pseudohistorical framework. The first was the Kosovo myth, which was used not only in the Kosovo conflict but also in Bosnia and Hercegovina when Bosnian Muslims/Bosniaks were identified with the mythical Turks. The second mythical figure was the notion of the unprecedented suffering of the Serbian nation in the 20th century, which led to repeated comparisons with European Jews and their fate during the Second World War. The article attempts to deconstruct the moral message of both myths, and the historical context of their origin and function they performed in political conflicts.
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Co łączy i dzieli communal conflict oraz „konflikt etniczny”? Analiza znaczeniowa obu terminów i ich nigeryjska egzemplifikacja.

75%
Trzciński K.
Afryka
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2015
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issue 42
11-30
EN
This paper deals with the meaning of two notions: “communal conflict” and “ethnic conflict”. It has two aims: explaining how both notions are most often understood in the scholarly literature and identifying the similarities and differences between them. In fulfilling these aims, a Nigerian exemplification of both types of conflicts is employed. In individual parts of the article, an analysis of the meaning of both notions is undertaken; the case of the Biafran War (1967–1970) regarded as an ethnic conflict and an example of a communal conflict in the city of Sagamu (1999) are discussed, and conclusions referring to the similarities and differences between both notions are presented.
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A Dirty War: The Armed Polish-Lithuanian Conflict and its Impact on Nation-Making in Lithuania, 1919–23

75%
Balkelis T.
Acta Poloniae Historica
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2020
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vol. 121
PL
This article discusses the armed Polish-Lithuanian conflict during 1919–23. It flared in May 1919 when the first open clash between Lithuanian and Polish troops took place. It gradually escalated into an undeclared war and lasted until late November 1920 when, in Kaunas, both sides agreed to stop fighting along the neutral zone established by the League of Nations. However, there was no final peace agreement signed, only a truce, and low-scale paramilitary violence continued unabated in the neutral zone until as late as May 1923. The author argues that the conflict involved various paramilitary formations which terrorised the civilians in the disputed borderland. For the Lithuanian government, the war against Poland provided an opportunity for total mobilization of the Lithuanian society. The fact that, during the entire interwar period, the conflict remained open-ended, ensured that the paramilitary structures and military laws that emerged during it would remain in place for much longer.
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La etnopolítica en Bolivia

63%
ŚNIADECKA-KOTARSKA M.
Revista del CESLA. International Latin American Studies Review
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2010
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vol. 1
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issue 13
331-344
EN
The article aims to present the mechanisms that led to the emer-gence of ethnic movements in Bolivia, a country where the indigenous population was characterized, until recently, by a lack of national consciousness. This was due to the fact that previous governments had a policy of assimilation of the ethnic population to achieve a controlled and uniform society. Even so, at the end of the 20th and the be-ginning of the 21th century, as a result of the neoliberal reforms of the late 80's. there was a dynamic development of ethnic movements, politicized and highly differen-tiated. This politicization of ethnicity was considered the leading strategy for creating the political parties and achieve their political goals.
ES
El objetivo del artículo es presentar los mecanismos que provoca-ron la aparición de los movimientos étnicos en Bolivia, un país donde la población indígena se caracterizaba, hasta hace poco, por una falta de conciencia nacional ya que los gobiernos anteriores aplicaban una política de asimilación de la población étnica hasta la consecución de una nación controlada y uniformada. A pesar de eso, a caballo de los siglos XX y XXI, como consecuencia de las reformas neoliberales de finales de los años 80., tuvo lugar un desarrollo dinámico de los movimientos étnicos fuertemente politizados y muy diferenciados. Esa politización de la etnicidad era una estrategia para constituir partidos políticos y conseguir sus fines políticos.
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Etnia, medio ambiente y sistema político en la Selva Lacandona

63%
CALLEROS RODRÍGUEZ H.
Revista del CESLA. International Latin American Studies Review
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2017
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issue 20
299-323
ES
El artículo examina las tensiones sociales y políticas que surgen en materia de acceso, uso y manejo de tierra y recursos naturales que se localizan en territorios indígenas. Específicamente, el artículo examina las tensiones que se registran en tres relaciones: etnia, agraria (tenencia de la tierra) y ambiental (uso de los recursos naturales). El artículo propone una clasificación del conflicto étnico, agrario y ambiental a partir del caso de la Comunidad Zona Lacandona (CZL), localizada en la Selva Lacandona (Chiapas, México), durante el periodo 1972-2015. Los datos para el artículo se obtuvieron en trabajo etnográfico en los años 2008 y 2015, entrevistas, datos censales (INEGI), así como en la revisión de la literatura sobre el caso de estudio.
EN
This paper examines the social and political tensions that emerge regarding access, use and management of land and natural resources located in Indigenous lands. Specifically, the paper examines the tensions that emerge in three relations: ethnic, agrarian (land tenure) and environmental (use of natural resources). This article proposes a classification of ethnic, agrarian and environmental conflicts based on the case of the Lacandon Community [Comunidad Zona Lacandona (CZL)] which is located in the Lacandon Forest (Chiapas, Mexico), during the period 1972-2015. Data for this article comes from ethnographic field work conducted in the region in the years 2008 and 2015, interviews, census data (INEGI), and a review of the literature on the case study,
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Bośniacko-hercegowińska etnonacjonalna polityka w kontekście ustroju i przyszłości państwa

63%
Zekić M.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2014
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issue 5(31/1)
523-538
EN
The underlying aim of the article is to contribute to the understanding the relation between ethnic claims and policies which determine social relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the debate on the current constitutional crisis in this country. The present ethno‑political regime heavily depends on the perpetual crisis as the primary source of political articulation and action. Though the Dayton Accords ended war and established peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the agreement did not create a functional central government, lacking the capacity to undertake the reforms needed to meet the terms of accession to the European Union. The peace treaty designed future state structures around the very ethnic‑based power struggles that shaped the conflict. As a result, ethnic‑based politics continued to dominate political space. These politics, combined with high levels of international oversight have distorted the state building process, and reduced democratization efforts. Today, Bosnia’s future is still uncertain. Political squabbles have seriously detracted from Bosnia’s ability to engage in reforms needed to boost its economy and move closer to the EU. Conflicting ambitions of national party leaders is an important factor in this failure. Representatives of an ethnic group can veto any decision that they feel does not accord with their interests. This means in effect that all major decisions have to be made by consensus among the main ethnic parties, which is often very difficult since they have fundamentally different views on Bosnia’s future. Although Bosnia and Herzegovina is currently not in danger of being dismembered, awareness that the country cannot survive without multi‑ethnic collaboration should remain one of the guiding principles for Bosnia’s ruling ethnically‑based political parties.
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O granicach i przepaściach: dyskurs o górach i separacji na terenach objętych konfliktem etnicznym

63%
Wedekind M.
Góry, Literatura, Kultura
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2017
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vol. 11
248-265
EN
The author examines the reasons behind the political instrumentalisation and ethnicisation of tourism as a private social practice, allegedly far removed from politics. Using the example of the Austrian Alpine Region (specifically, the Duchy of Tyrol) during the late Habsburg Monarchy, he demonstrates that this political sphere of action was a promising starting point for the nationalisation of the masses of the masses, especially wherever national circles of various communities had no access to the state apparatus and to classic socialisation organs and, therefore, had to resort to auxiliary measures to socialise nationality. In addition to issuing calls to visit areas close to linguistic and national borders and projecting ethnic (partly racial) models of segmentation and exclusion, tourism was used as ground for the building of national identity, for strategies of social integration and mobilisation, for establishing new mental maps and links of loyalty.
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Von Grenzen und Abgründen: Berg- und Abgrenzungsdiskurse in ethnischen Konflikträumen

63%
Wedekind M.
Góry, Literatura, Kultura
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2017
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vol. 11
221-247
EN
The author examines the reasons behind the political instrumentalisation and ethnicisation of tourism as a private social practice, allegedly far removed from politics. Using the example of the Austrian Alpine Region (specifically, the Duchy of Tyrol) during the late Habsburg Monarchy, he demonstrates that this political sphere of action was a promising starting point for the nationalisation of the masses of the masses, especially wherever national circles of various communities had no access to the state apparatus and to classic socialisation organs and, therefore, had to resort to auxiliary measures to socialise nationality. In addition to issuing calls to visit areas close to linguistic and national borders and projecting ethnic (partly racial) models of segmentation and exclusion, tourism was used as ground for the building of national identity, for strategies of social integration and mobilisation, for establishing new mental maps and links of loyalty.
15
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Together, But Almost Alone? On the Ethno-Political Aspects of Interethnic Interactions of West-Ukrainian Lands in 1867–1914

63%
Monolatii I. S.
Central European Papers
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2014
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vol. 2
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issue 1
9-24
EN
The article examines the institutional processes in the ethnopolitics of Austro-Hungary concerned with the rights and needs of ethnic actors and the processes of internal and external institutionalization of Ukrainian, Polish, Jewish, Romanian and German political actors in Galicia and Bukovina. The legal basis for the formalization of political participation of citizens and the policy priorities of the state are characterized in terms of ethnic awakening. We trace a genesis of the ethnic catalyst of the political mobilization and determine the relationship between the occupational structure and the lines of social division expressed in the ethnic terms. The platforms and strategies of the political parties founded along ethnic lines are analyzed. We also examine the mobilization factors of electoral and protest participations, the catalysts of competition among ethno-national communities with different statuses, the variability of protection of group interests, and the compromises and consensuses of the formalized and unformalized ethnic actors.
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Wymóg uzyskania terytorialnego rozłożenia głosów (poparcia) w wyborach prezydenckich

63%
Trzciński K.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2016
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vol. 49
113-137
EN
The aim of this article is to explain the institution of spatial vote distribution requirement in presidential elections that exists only in three multi-ethnic states: Nigeria (since 1979), Kenya (since 1992), and Indonesia (since 2001). To become a president in any of these states, a candidate who wins majority or plurality of votes in the elections also has to gain their minimal number (e.g. at least 20%) in more than half of their main administrative units. In the article, the main premises and multi-ethnic political context for applying this institution are identifi ed, as well as differences between all three cases indicated in detail. In the final part, the hitherto experience of employing this institution is evaluated.
PL
Głównym celem tego artykułu jest wyjaśnienie, na czym polega specyfika instytucji wymogu uzyskania terytorialnego rozłożenia głosów w wyborach prezydenckich, istniejącego w: Nigerii od 1979 r., Kenii od 1992 r. i Indonezji od 2001 r., oraz określenie panujących w tych państwach warunków politycznych, które przyczyniły się do jej wprowadzenia i trwania. W końcowej części artykułu, dzięki porównaniu wszystkich trzech kazusów, wskazane zostaną szczegółowe różnice występujące obecnie między nimi. W artykule zostaną również zaprezentowane wnioski dotyczące dotychczasowych doświadczeń związanych z funkcjonowaniem przedmiotowej instytucji. Pozwolą one wstępnie ocenić, czy uprawnione jest stwierdzenie, że jej zastosowanie wpływa na obniżenie znaczenia konfliktowych zachowań w relacjach między grupami etnicznymi i na budowanie międzyetnicznej akomodacji w wymienionych państwach.
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Tel Awiw-Jaffa – miasto zmian historycznych, urbanistycznych i kulturowych

63%
Mroczkowski K.
Architectus
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2020
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issue 3(63)
83-100
PL
Tematem artykułu jest wpływ narastającego konfliktu etnicznego i narodowego na rozwój tkanki miejskiej Jaffy i Tel Awiwu. Autor przy wykorzystaniu elementów analizy przestrzennej (in situ oraz zachowanego materiału fotograficznego) i w oparciu o badania historyczne szczegółowo przedstawia ten proces. Zwraca uwagę na zespół czynników, które spowodowały, iż ta dynamicznie rozwijająca się struktura miejska została wykorzystana w XX w. zarówno przez Żydów, jak i Arabów w polityce segregacji etnicznej i kulturowej. Ukazane wyniki badań wskazują okoliczności, które doprowadziły do oficjalnego podziału administracyjnego obszaru miejskiego Jaffy i utworzenia „hebrajskiego” miasta Tel Awiw – „papierowej granicy” wytyczonej między dwoma miastami w 1921 r. Pozwalają także ukazać istotny element historyczny, pomocny w zrozumieniu procesów tworzenia układu urbanistycznego współczesnego kompleksu Tel Awiw-Jaffa. Wyraźnie jest to widoczne zwłaszcza w przypadku osiedla Manshiyya/Neve Shalom, którego – pomimo centralnej pozycji w całym systemie urbanistycznym – całkowite zniszczenie zmaterializowało wcześniejsze niefizyczne rozdzielenie centrów osadniczych, jakimi były pierwotnie arabska Jaffa i żydowski Tel Awiw.
EN
In the study, the author shows – using elements of spatial analysis and based on historical research (sources s. a. studies, historical photographic materials and in situ) – the impact of the growing ethnic and national conflict on the development of the urban space of Jaffa and Tel Aviv. Author draws attention to the set of factors that caused this dynamically developing structure to be used throughout the 20th century by Jews and Arabs in the politics of ethnic and cultural segregation of both nations. The research results shown indicate the circumstances that led to the official division of the Arab administrative area of Jaffa and the creation of the “Hebrew” city of Tel Aviv – that “paper border”, which was drawn between the two cities in 1921. They also allow to show a unique historical element, very helpful in understanding the creation mechanism of the urban layout of the contemporary Tel Aviv-Jaffa complex. These existing discrepancies between the spatial potential and the actual use of the urban space were most evident in the case of the Manshiyya/Neve Shalom housing estate. Despite the central position in the entire urban system, its complete destruction materialized the previous non-physical separation of the settlement centers, which were originally Arab Jaffa and Jewish Tel Aviv.
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On the Polish National and Territorial Autonomy in Lithuania (the Spring–Summer of 1991)

63%
Sirutavičius V.
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
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2017
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vol. 52
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issue 1
PL
On the Polish National and Territorial Autonomy in Lithuania (the Spring–Summer of 1991)A new system of Polish-Lithuanian relations was shaped manly by the passivity of Poles inhabiting the eastern Lithuania in the plebiscite organised by the Lithuanian government on 9 February 1991, and a decision of the authorities of Vilnius and Šalčininkai (Polish: Sołeczniki) regions to hold a referendum, initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev, on the future of the Soviet Union to turn it into a new, loose confederation of states, which was not recognized by the Lithuanian authorities. Such an attitude of Lithuanian Poles was determined by several factors. Firstly, the Soviet social and economic structure; secondly, for a large part of people the old governments of the Vilnius and Šalčininkai districts and the memory of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic guaranteed stability and predictability. The soviet structures were more trusted than a newly introduced, not strong yet Lithuanian social and political order. The sense of threat was intensified by an unquestionable domination of Lithuanians on all levels of the new hierarchy. Social and political reforms were perceived by the Polish minority in Lithuania through the prism of a rule of the majority. For the rest of the Lithuanian society (except of the Russian minority) such an attitude was completely incomprehensible. In such complex geopolitical circumstances Poles from the regions of Vilnius and Šalčininkai decided to convene a congress of deputies of the Vilnius and Šalčininkai regions to Mostiškės. According to a project adopted at the Congress, the Vilnius district was to become “an autonomous administrative-territorial unit within the Lithuanian Republic”, with a broad political autonomy. In the opinion of Lithuanians, however, the region of Vilnius should not be “an autonomous administrative-territorial unit of the Lithuanian State”, but form a part of Lithuanian federation. This meant that the Poles wanted to enlarge the status of the Vilnius region and to strengthen its autonomy within Lithuania. The implementation of such a project would mean a decentralisation of the state. In a complex geopolitical situation of that time all attempts at the decentralisation of the country was regarded by the Lithuanian political elite as the threat of the security of the young Lithuanian state, its sovereignty and territorial integrity. О польской национально-территориальной автономии в Литве (весна-лето 1991 г.)Пассивность поляков, живших в Восточной Литве, в плебисците, организованном литовскими властями 9 февраля 1991 и решение властей Виленского и Солечницкого районов организовать референдум о преобразовании Советского Союза в новую, более свободную конфедерацию, объявленный Горбачевым и признанный литовскими властями нелегальным, формировал новый контекст для польско-литовских отношений. Причины такой позиции литовских поляков были предопределены несколькими обстоятельствами. Во-первых, старой, советской общественно-экономической структурой. Во-вторых, прежними властями Виленского и Солечницкого районов, а также памятью о Литовской ССР, которые для значительной части жителей гарантировали стабильность и предсказуемость. Советские структуры вызывали больше доверия, чем новый, еще не укрепленный, литовский общественный и политический строй. Дополнительно, чувство опасности среди жителей усиливалось из-за подавляющего преобладания литовцев на всех уровнях новой власти. Общественно-политические реформы оценивались представителями польского меньшинства сквозь призму господства большинства. В настолько сложном геополитическом положении поляки из Виленского и Солечницкого районов решились на созыв съезда депутатов в Мостишках. Согласно, принятому на съезде проекту статус Виленского края был определен как «автономная административно-территориальная единица в составе Литовской Республики”. Для нее предусматривалась широкая политическая автономия. В итерпретации литовцев, Виленский край таким образом становился не столько автономной административнотерриториальной единицей литовского государства, а «государственной единицей” соединенной федеративными узами с Литвой. Можно делать вывод, что целью поляков являлось расширение статуса Виленского края и укрепление его автономии по отношению к центральным властям. Осуществление такого проекта означало децентрализацию Литвы. В сложных геополитических условиях этого периода литовские политические элиты истолковывали попытки децентрализации страны как угрозу безопасности молодого литовского государства, его суверенитета и территориальной целостности.
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Wielokulturowość - wizje i współczesne realia

51%
Kurcz Z.
Kultura i Społeczeństwo
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2019
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vol. 63
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issue 3
271-282
EN
In reference to Anna Śliz’s book Wielokulturowość: stygmat współczesnego świata? Próba analizy socjologicznej [Multiculturalism: The Stigma of the Modern World? An Attempt at a Sociological Analysis], the subject of this article is multiculturalism as a phenomenon, a political project, and a real kind of existing society (multiculturalism is not the same as interculturalism or transculturalism). In the discourse on multiculturalism, many specifi c questions arise: the inevitability of the  phenomenon and its genesis; the beginnings and bases of multiculturalism as a political project and its challenges; the reality of multicultural societies - from affirmation to contestation. Model discourse over multiculturalism is confronted with a range of remarks, commentaries, and questions about its fundamental significance, for example, about the potential for realizing the idea of multiculturalism in Europe, and whether Australia and Canada are now definitely multicultural societies.
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Meandry dialogu. Polacy i Żydzi w dyskursie prasowym międzywojennego Białegostoku

51%
Sztop-Rutkowska K.
Przegląd Socjologii Jakościowej
|
2007
|
vol. 3
|
issue 2
63-81
EN
This article presents how the discourse analysis can be used in the ethnic studies. The theoretical base of this study is developed with two varieties of Critical Discourse Analysis: the Vienna School (R. Wodak) and cognitive-oriented approach (T. van Dijk). The study is concerned with the press discourse of Polish-Jewish relations in the interwar Bialystok.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł przedstawia próbę zastosowania pojęcia dyskursu w badaniu zjawiska etniczności. Głównymi inspiracjami teoretycznymi były prace związane z dwoma nurtami krytycznej analizy dyskursu: szkołą wiedeńską (R. Wodak) oraz kognitywną analizą dyskursu (T. van Dijk). Zbadano jeden z historycznych przejawów publicznego dyskursu etnicznego dotyczącego stosunków polsko-żydowskich prezentowanych w międzywojennej lokalnej prasie w Białymstoku.
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