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Central European Papers
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2016
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vol. 4
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issue 1
50-62
EN
The Western Balkans countries, yet differ in religious and ethnic background, their present-day constitutional setup – at least on paper - has plenty of similarities. Each of them has a parliamentary form of government, a proportional voting system, and a rather ceremonial head of state. Most of these countries have also a predominantly complex ethnic landscape. After the armed ethnic conflicts of the 1990s and 2000s, the region set out along constitutional consolidation. As a price of the peace, various ethnic-based power-sharing methods were introduced in the constitutional systems of the countries. However, this pa- per argues that any political regime based on such instruments – one that gives preference to the interests of certain ethnic groups – can only be built to the detriment of a democratic state. As a result of ethnic way of thinking, the political landscape is dominated by (mostly ethnic oriented) parties and effective decision-making procedures are often missing or neglected. Parliamentary activities are often held on a minimum scale, being based on obligatory tasks, a proactive manner (scrutiny, control of the government) is missing.
EN
The study aims to identify the phenomenon of the translocation of ethnic conflicts from the home countries to emigration reality, on the example of Armenian, Kurdish and Turkish communities. It is indicated that the scientific literature often focuses on the issues of the impact of diasporas to home countries, but no so often on the inter-community relations in emigration. The form of these relations are con{ icts that through arising in space of emigration enter into social and political reality of the country of residence, directly affect its society, its attitudes, aspirations, behaviors, domestic and international policies. It is observed that these conflicts can take various forms, even extreme, which is terrorism. The evolution of these conflicts depends on a number of factors, among others, the level of communication with the home country, evolution of the conflict in their home countries, institutionalization of life in emigration.
EN
In Russia live more than 190 nations and ethnic groups (native and indigenous groups). Russia is also an attractive country for migrant workers. Because no knowledge of language and law in Russia, illegal immigrants are a source of many problems. According to statistics in the past few years, the number of crimes increased because of the immigrants. There are for example: deception, theft , vandalism, no proper documents. Experts predict that the flow of migrants in 2016 will increase because of the very complicated political and economic situation in the world. Migration within Russia and immigration to Russia causes a lot of tension and ethnic conflicts. Especially people from the North Caucasus and Central Asia are victims of the conflict against the national (ethnic). It should also be noted that some of the Russians do not realize that the Chechens, Dagestan, Ingush are Russian citizens, but they are treated as „foreign element”. the work has been exposed substrate contemporary ethnic conflicts in Russia, their process and ways to prevent them. For this purpose were analyzed legal acts, reports of NGOs (Non-Governmental Organization) and government on ethnic conflicts. Also, journal articles and relevant literature were reviewed, both Polish and Russian.
EN
Ethnic conflict in the view of classical sociology and social psychology (on the example of south-eastern Borderlands of the Second Polish Republic)The article was designed to demonstrate that social conflicts, especially ethnic ones, which belong to many factors of martyrdom. Thus, it was structured at four points. The considered topics led to the conclusion that the social and ethnic issues belong to the diverse  and complex topics. It is shown in theories of classics of sociology and contemporary theoreticians dealing with the ethnic conflicts in the aspect of sociology and social psychology. Konflikty etniczne w świetle socjologii klasycznej i psychologii społecznej (na przykładzie Kresów południowo-wschodnich II Rzeczypospolitej)Celem artykułu jest wykazanie, że konflikty społeczne, zwłaszcza te, które przyjmują postać konfliktów etnicznych, stanowią jedną z wielu przyczyn martyrologii. Artykuł został podzielony na cztery części. Rozpatrywane zagadnienia prowadzą do wniosku, że problemy społeczne i etniczne są zróżnicowane i złożone, jak wykazano w teorii klasyków socjologii oraz współczesnych teoretyków zajmujących się konfliktami etnicznymi z punktu widzenia socjologii i psychologii społecznej.
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2019
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vol. 26
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issue 1
149-173
EN
For centuries Central and Eastern Europe has been the scene of frequent changes of borders and numerous ethnic conflicts. Contemporary ethnic diversity of this region is much smaller, however, the growing nationalisms of the various societies, mutual mistrust, and the temptation of politicians to use ethnic issues in the regional geopolitical competition pose a real threat to the stability and peace in Central and Eastern Europe. The dynamic political, legal, social and economic changes which have been taking place in this part of Europe for three decades now, which overlay its clear civilization division into the Latin and the Byzantine parts and are intensified by historical animosities, must have had an impact on the situation and the perception of minorities. In contrast to Western Europe, the contemporary ethnic diversity of Central and Eastern Europe is primary the consequence of various, often centuries-old historical processes (settlement actions, voluntary and forced migrations, border changes, the political and economic expansion of particular countries), and in the ethnic structure especially dominate the indigenous groups, migrants, particularly from the outside of the European cultural circle, are of marginal importance. Moreover, national minorities are usually concentrated in the border regions of countries, often in close proximity to their home countries, becoming – often against their will – element of the internal and foreign policies of neighbouring countries. The main aims of the article are to explain the threats to peace arising from the attempts to use minorities in inter-state relations and regional geopolitics as well as engaging minority groups into ethnic and political conflicts (autonomy of regions, secession attempts) and still the very large role of history (especially negative, tragic events) in the shaping of contemporary interethnic relations in Central and Eastern Europe. However, the varied ethnic structure typical for this region does not have to be a conflict factor, on the contrary – it can become a permanent element of the identity and cultural heritage of each country.
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Geneza i anatomia konfliktów wewnętrznych w Birmie

63%
PL
Od czasu uzyskania niepodległości w 1948 roku Birma znajduje się w stanie wojny domowej. Podłożem konfliktów jest zróżnicowanie etniczno-religijne oraz generujący powszechną opozycję niedemokratyczny system rządów. Birma jest państwem zdominowanym pod względem polityczno-ekonomicznym przez buddyjskich Bamarów (Birmańczyków). Powoduje to rewindykacje mniejszości narodowych: Szanów, Karenów, Kaczinów, Czinów, Karenni i Monów. Obecnie najbardziej dyskryminowaną grupą są muzułmanie Rohingya. Dalsze prześladowania w stosunku do tej wspólnoty mogą doprowadzić do powstania lokalnych organizacji fundamentalistycznych oraz zaktywizować regionalne komórki Al-Kaidy. Zawarte w latach 2011-2013 porozumienia z ugrupowaniami rebelianckimi nie gwarantują natychmiastowego wygaszenia sporów i pełnej stabilizacji państwa, gdyż siły rządowe ciągle odpowiedzialne są za brutalne akcje pacyfikacyjne i nagminne łamanie praw człowieka. Wydarzeniem o epokowym znaczeniu dla historii Birmy były wybory parlamentarne z 8 listopada 2015r. W pełni potwierdziły one legitymizację partii opozycyjnych. Główne ugrupowanie antyreżimowe Narodowa Liga na Rzecz Demokracji odniosło druzgocące zwycięstwo nad popieraną przez rząd i kręgi wojskowe Partią Jedności, Solidarności i Rozwoju. Głównym zadaniem nowych władz Birmy będzie pokojowe rozwiązanie konfliktów etniczno-religijnych, zagrażających integralności i spoistości wewnętrznej państwa
EN
The article discusses the issue of internal conflicts in contemporary Burma (Myanmar). The author is putting forward the idea that for most of its independent years (since 1948), Burma has been involved in one of the world’s longest-running civil wars. Many ethnic groups including Karens, Kachins, Shans, Karennis, Chins and Mons have been waging separate wars for more than 60 years. Initial ceasefire agreements have been signed in 2011-2013. However fighting is still on-going in many areas and peace continues to remain elusive. Actually the Rohingya people (Burmese muslims) are one of the most persecuted minorities in the world. In 2012 two waves of violence erupted between the Rohingya and Buddhist Rakhine resulting in mass killings and torture.
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2020
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vol. 127
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issue 2
PL
Biografia kpt. Romualda Rajsa „Burego” autorstwa Michała Ostapiuka opowiada o życiu jednego z żołnierzy wileńskiej konspiracji Armii Krajowej z czasów okupacji niemieckiej, który po wojnie kontynuował działalność zbrojną na terenie Białostocczyzny, walcząc w szeregach 5. Wileńskiej Brygady AK, a następnie 3. Brygady Narodowego Zjednoczenia Wojskowego. W 1948 r. kpt. Rajs został stracony na podstawie wyroku, który zapadł w politycznym procesie prowadzonym przed Wojskowym Sądem Rejonowym.
EN
A biography of Captain Romuald Rajs aka Bury by Michał Ostapiuk describes the life of one of the members of the Polish Home Army Wilno (Vilnius) Underground under the German occupation who, after the war, continued military operations in the Białystok Region. Bury fought, first, in the ranks of the Fifth Wilno Brigade of the Home Army, and then in the Third National Military Union Brigade. In 1948, Capt. Rajs was executed after being sentenced to death by a Military District Court.
EN
The article deals with the issues of religious education, its transformations and geopolitical and ethnic conditions in Bielsko (Bielsko-Biała). It presents the ethnic structure of the city at the time when Poland regained independence as well as subsequent changes that took place during the interwar period and after the Second World War. Once in Poland, Bielsko embarked upon an accelerated process of Polonisation, which stifled German education and led to a rapid expansion of Polish education. In practice, German education was limited to religious education in the Bielski Syjon (Bielitzer Zion) district. Numerous restrictions along with the spread of fascist ideology led to the complete radicalisation of the German community, thus giving the impression that Evangelical education equals German education. Unfortunately, the stigmatisation of Evangelical education and evangelicals themselves as Germans led to persecutions and alienation attempts after the war. The fate of the Catholic school run by the School Sisters of Notre Dame was similar. The accusations of collaboration with Nazi Germany during the occupation and the postwar state policy towards the Catholic Church made the sisters cease their education agenda. Despite difficulties, religious education in Bielsko-Biała recovered quickly after the 1989 political transformation. Today, it is experiencing its renaissance. Schools run by various religious denominations, often scoring high in education rankings, are very popular among both students and parents.
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