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EN
The dynamics of development of the ethnic structure of Belarus after World War IIDuring the Second World War, Belarus lost more than 1.5 million inhabitants. In 1944–1946, as part of the repatriation process, 226,000 Poles left for Poland. With the construction industry in Belarus, deploying units of the Red Army and the creation of the Soviet system of government, to Belarus poured in hundreds of thousands of Russians and dozens of thousands of Ukrainians. At the same time, the Soviet authorities pursue policies conducive to resettlement Belarusians to other republics, especially to Russia. Widespread census was held every 10 years since 1959. It shows a systematic process of strengthening the Russian factor in the ethnic structure of the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic. This was accompanied by assimilation in Russian culture of the Belarusian youth, expelling from the countryside to the cities. The creation of the independent Belarusian state after the collapse of the Soviet Union reversed these trends. The percentage of people declaring Russian nationality, but also Jewish, Ukrainian and Polish, began to rapidly decline in the ethnic structure. This was accompanied, however, by a stronger presence of the Russian language, both in the public and private life of people in Belarus. Dynamika kształtowania się struktury narodowościowej Białorusi po II wojnie światowejW czasie II wojny światowej Białoruś utraciła ponad 1,5 mln mieszkańców. W latach 1944–1946 w ramach akcji repatriacyjnej do Polski wyjechało 226 tys. Polaków. Wraz z budową przemysłu na Białorusi, rozmieszczaniem jednostek Armii Czerwonej i tworzeniem radzieckiego systemu władzy do Białorusi napływały setki tysięcy Rosjan i dziesiątki tysięcy Ukraińców. Jednocześnie władze radzieckie prowadziły politykę sprzyjającą przesiedlaniu Białorusinów do innych republik, a zwłaszcza do Rosji. Powszechne spisy ludności organizowane co 10 lat od 1959 r. dość dobrze pokazują proces systematycznego umacniania czynnika rosyjskiego w strukturze narodowościowej Białoruskiej Socjalistycznej Republiki Radzieckiej. Towarzyszyła temu asymilacja białoruskiej młodzieży, przesiedlającej się ze wsi do miast, w kulturze rosyjskiej. Powstanie niepodległego państwa białoruskiego po rozpadzie ZSRR odwróciło te tendencje. Odsetek osób deklarujących narodowość rosyjską, ale także żydowską, ukraińską i polską w strukturze narodowościowej zaczął się szybko zmniejszać. Towarzyszyło temu jednak umacnianie obecności języka rosyjskiego zarówno w przestrzeni publicznej, jak w życiu prywatnym mieszkańców Białorusi.
EN
Ethnic changes in Abkhazia (2nd half of the 19th century– beginning of the 21st century)Main aim of the paper is to analyse ethnic changes that took place in Abkhazia from the 60s of the 19th century to the present. The paper discusses the changes in ethnic structure of Abkhazia caused by the forced exodus of the Abkhazians to the Ottoman Empire (muhajirstvo), the process of multinational settlement in Abkhazia from the late 19th century to the 1990s, the Georgian-Abkhazian war of 1992-1993 and the national policy of de facto Abkhazia led in the post-war period in the terms of the absence of international recognition. Przemiany narodowościowe w Abchazji od II połowy XIX do początku XXI wiekuCelem artykułu jest analiza przemian narodowościowych, jakie zaszły w Abchazji począwszy od lat 60. XIX wieku do chwili obecnej. W pracy omówiono zmiany w strukturze etnicznej w Abchazji warunkowane przymusowym eksodusem Abchazów do Imperium Osmańskiego (muchadżyrstwo), procesem wielonarodowościowego osadnictwa na te- renie Abchazji od końca XIX wieku do lat 90. XX wieku, wojną gruzińsko-abchaską z lat 1992-1993 oraz polityką narodowościową de facto Abchazji prowadzoną w okresie powojennym w warunkach braku uznania międzynarodowego.
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According to the results of the latest census the West Pomeranian Voivodship is ethnically homogeneous; within its territory there are various communities with ethnic identities that differ from the Polish one, yet their total proportion does not exceed the level of a few percent. The most numerous non-Polish communities are the Ukrainian and German ethnic minorities, and the Gypsy (Romani people’s) ethnic community. According to the analysed statistics the number of the people born in a given country does not affect the size of the population of the minorities or immigrants. The number of the inhabitants of the West Pomeranian Voivodship born outside Poland is several times higher that the number of the people of the same ethnic identity. For example, in 2011 in the West Pomeranian Voivodship there were over 16,600 people born in the Ukraine, but about 5,000 declared to be of Ukrainian nationality and only 129 were Ukrainian citizens. There were over 1,300 people born in France, 298 declared to be of the French nationality and 153 were citizens of France. The conclusion is that the people declaring to be of the Polish nationality are the dominant part of the population born outside Poland. A very small proportion of the inhabitants of the West Pomeranian Voivodship use a language other than Polish in their private contacts. The biggest part of them are English-speaking people (4,500), followed by the German-speaking population (3,300) and the Ukrainian-speaking one (2,500). With the exception of Ukrainian, which is considered as a native language by more people (2,700) than the ones who speak it at home, the other languages were less frequently mentioned as a native tongue than as the language used at home. But only the results of the next census will give a basis to carry out reliable comparative analyses concerning the ethnic structure of Poland and the West Pomeranian Voivodship (assuming that the questions will be identical with the ones of the 2011 questionnaire).
EN
Political and economic developments in the Eastern European countries are an important element of the public debate. Ongoing socio-political and economic transformation in the subregion (Belarus, Moldova, Ukraine) highlights the diversity of individual countries also in ethnic terms, with Ukraine and the current war in Donbass being a particular example, as well as Crimean annexation events where the nationality of the society plays a special role. The aim of the article is to analyze the ethnic structure of Eastern European countries in an attempt to identify the demographic potential of their national and ethnical minorities in the context of the threat to the security of the subregion. The research hypothesis is as follows: the demographic potential of national and ethnic minorities in the countries of Eastern Europe is an important element threatening the security of individual states. Detailed research questions take the following form: 1) What is the ethnic diversity of Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine? 2) Does the ethnic diversity of the subregion’s states constitute an element of threat to their security and as a consequence to the security of the entire subregion? 3) Which of the minorities in the subregion has a real demographic strength (numerical potential) to threaten the security of Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine, respectively? Looking for answers to the research questions raised, the authors treat the determinants of the structure of the surveyed countries, then present a comparative view of the contemporary demographic picture of Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine, and also point to clusters of national/ethnic minorities in particular regions of the surveyed countries. They also identifies the demographic potential of minorities in terms of security threats. In theirs final remarks they come to the conclusion that in comparison to the countries of Eastern Europe, particular national and ethnic minorities, due to their size, are an important crisis-generating element in Moldova and Ukraine (mainly the Russian minority), in contrast to Belarus. In the writing of this article the interdisciplinary research approach was particularly helpful, combined with the integrating quantitative method, qualitative analysis, and the comparative method.
EN
Significant changes in population size and ethnic structure have occurred in Latvia over the last century, but it is difficult to analyze the changes on the level of districts, as well smaller rural divisions due to border changes. To compare the changes of the number of population and its ethnic structure in different areas, we need data from regular census as well as geographically stable or compatible administrative divisions. Regular population census detailed data for Latvia are available from more than 10 census (1897, 1920, 1925, 1930, 1935, 1943, 1959, 1970, 1979, 1989, 2000, and 2011), but the administrative divisions have changed significantly. The current administrative division has been formed by merging the previous smaller civil parishes (pagasti), so it is still possible to make calculations between the current division and the former 26 districts and vice versa. But so far it was impossible to make accurate comparisons between the pre-war 19 counties and later 26 districts, which existed until 2009 and even more difficult is to compare historic and current civil parishes. As a result, it is impossible to make an accurate population and the composition of an analysis comparing the pre-war and post-war data. This article aims to bridge this gap created by the administrative border changes to enable accurately compare the size of population and ethnic composition in the long term through a special method. In addition this article includes unpublished statistical information of the 1935 census about Eastern Latvia. Ethnic composition of the population has been much more stable than the total number of population in Eastern Latvia. The most rapid increase of the population between 1935 and 1959 was recorded in Riga area, but the largest depopulation occurred in Latgale, since Latgalians more actively moved to other regions of the country. In spite of the war and deportations the total population of Latvia has increased. In addition to large increase of biggest cities, the population has grown rapidly in the vicinity of Riga and Zemgale. But the total population of Latgale has rapidly declined, especially in Ludza and Krāslava regions. Some corrections of ethnicity have been found in published results of 1935 census in some of 20 municipalities, covering almost 15 000 inhabitants, mostly increasing the share Latvians on behalf of Belarusians and Poles.
EN
This article presents a multinational and multireligious character of St. Petersburg since the founding of the city to the collapse of the Soviet Union. An ethnic and cultural mosaic was also an important feature in other centers of Russia, including Moscow and Odessa, as well as forming part of the national capital of the Russian Empire in Warsaw, Riga and Tallinn. St. Petersburg is a city but of a symbolic and unique character. It is the subject of literary impressions and creative inspiration for generations of artists. In addition, St. Petersburg - Petrograd - Leningrad was the capital of a multinational and multireligious Russian Empire, Soviet Russia, and since 1918, it was the second most important city of the Soviet Union. The author’s intention is also to present the history of St. Petersburg - Petrograd - Leningrad, as seen through the prism of the history of national minorities living in it.
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PL
Celem niniejszej pracy jest przedstawienie struktury etnicznej współczesnej Ukrainy wraz z omówieniem dynamiki rozwoju tożsamości narodowej i etnicznej ukraińskiego społeczeństwa po rozpadzie Związku Radzieckiego – zjawiska określanego jako „etniczny renesans”, bądź „etniczne przebudzenie”, ujętego w kontekście zachodzących na Ukrainie procesów transformacji. Poprzez analizę struktury językowej i wyznaniowej, szkolnictwa oraz życia społeczno-kulturalnego, autor ukazuje jednocześnie przyczyny głębokiego narodowościowego i regionalnego zróżnicowania społeczeństwa Ukrainy pod względem narodowej identyfi kacji.
EN
The aim of this paper is to present ethnic structure of contemporary Ukraine along with the review of national and ethnic identity of Ukrainian society evolution dynamism after decomposition of Soviet Union – the phenomenon defi ned as “ethnic renaissance” or “ethnic awakening” in context of transformation process. Through analysis of language and religious associations’ structure, educational system and social-cultural life, author simultaneously releases the reasons of deep national diversity and regional disparities of Ukrainian society in respect to national identifi cation
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Facta Simonidis
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2008
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vol. 1
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issue 1
101-120
EN
The aim of this paper is to present ethnic structure of contemporary Ukraine along with the review of national and ethnic identity of Ukrainian society evolution dynamism after decomposition of Soviet Union – the phenomenon defi ned as “ethnic renaissance” or “ethnic awakening” in context of transformation process. Through analysis of language and religious associations’ structure, educational system and social-cultural life, author simultaneously releases the reasons of deep national diversity and regional disparities of Ukrainian society in respect to national identifi cation.
PL
Celem niniejszej pracy jest przedstawienie struktury etnicznej współczesnej Ukrainy wraz z omówieniem dynamiki rozwoju tożsamości narodowej i etnicznej ukraińskiego społeczeństwa po rozpadzie Związku Radzieckiego – zjawiska określanego jako „etniczny renesans”, bądź „etniczne przebudzenie”, ujętego w kontekście zachodzących na Ukrainie procesów transformacji. Poprzez analizę struktury językowej i wyznaniowej, szkolnictwa oraz życia społeczno-kulturalnego, autor ukazuje jednocześnie przyczyny głębokiego narodowościowego i regionalnego zróżnicowania społeczeństwa Ukrainy pod względem narodowej identyfikacji.
EN
The article characterizes statistical population of Lviv in 1919-1939, particularly referring to the Jews. It describes quantity, ethnic, religious and socio-professional structure of Jewish population, their age and the level of education. Lviv was particularly important center of political and educational life in the Second Polish Re-public. According the results of state censuses, one may conclude that three dominant nations in Lviv used to be the following: Poles, Jews and Ukrainians. Germans, Czechs and Russians constituted smaller percentage. Minorities accounted for abo-ut 50% of the total population of Lviv. Almost 50% of the population constituted Roman Catholics – Poles, 31,5-35% – followers of Judaism – Jews, and 9,2-12% – Greek Catholics – Ukrainians. The characteristic feature of social and professional structure of Lviv was the dominance of Poles. In second place, in the social hierarchy were Jews, dealing mainly with trade. Ukrainians occupied the last place in the social and professional structure. Lviv in the interwar period was a multicultural city and the center of Polish, Ukrainian and Jewish political and cultural life in the south-eastern part of Poland.
PL
Artykuł charakteryzuje statystyczną ludność Lwowa w latach 1919-1939, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem Żydów. Opisano strukturę ilościową, etniczną, wyznaniową i społeczno-zawodową ludności żydowskiej, jej wiek i poziom wykształcenia. Lwów był szczególnie ważnym ośrodkiem życia politycznego i oświatowego w II Rzeczypospolitej. Na podstawie wyników spisów powszechnych można stwierdzić, że we Lwowie dominowały trzy następujące nacje: Polacy, Żydzi i Ukraińcy. Mniejszy odsetek stanowili Niemcy, Czesi i Rosjanie. Mniejszości narodowe stanowiły ok. 50% ogółu mieszkańców Lwowa. Prawie 50% ludności stanowili Polacy wyznania rzymskokatolickiego, 31,5-35% – wyznawcy judaizmu – Żydzi, a 9,2-12% – Ukraińcy wyznania greckokatolickiego. Cechą charakterystyczną struktury społecznej i zawodowej Lwowa była dominacja Polaków. Na drugim miejscu w hierarchii społecznej znajdowali się Żydzi, zajmujący się głównie handlem. Ostatnie miejsce w strukturze społeczno-zawodowej zajmowali Ukraińcy. Lwów w okresie międzywojennym był miastem wielokulturowym oraz centrum polskiego, ukraińskiego i żydowskiego życia politycznego i kulturalnego w południowo-wschodniej części Polski.
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