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1

Інтеграційно-дезінтеграційні процеси у Молдові

100%

Явір В.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2018

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issue 8

77-81

EN

Moldova had to deal with the disintegration-integration challenges from the very beginning of the formation of an independent state unlike Ukraine, which at the early stages of independence did not recognize the urgency of ethnonational problems at the state level, did not pay attention to ethnopolitical threats. Issues of ethnopolitical integration and disintegration are among the most important in the field of ethnopolitical security and ethnonational policy of this multiethnic state with very complicated ethnopolitical heritage. Ukraine did not take advantage of the ethnopolitical experience of Georgia and Moldova in the past, now all three post-Soviet states (Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia) are at the post-desintegration stage of development, which means the presence of self-proclaimed republics in their territorial composition, the settlement of armed ethnicpolitical conflicts and the policy of reintegration of the occupied territories. In fact Moldova’s disintegration began before the formation of an independent state in the course of the collapse of the USSR. Its cause was the Transnistrian ethnopolitical conflict, which is considered one of the most controversial in the post-Soviet space, although the ethnic factor did not play a decisive role in it. In the late 1980s, the nationalist movement for the restoration of the state gained popularity in the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic. The Moldovan elite tried to build the state around the formation of the national-linguistic identity of its citizens. An important element in the restoration of Moldavian identity was the political course of ethnopolitical, ethnolinguistic integration of Moldova with ethnic, linguistic and historically close country - Romania. This triggered the separation of Transnistria. The Transnistrian conflict has been under regulation for more than 25 years, but the prospects for restoring the territorial integrity of Moldova and the Transnistria reintegration are very small. During numerous talks with Russia, Ukraine and the OSCE, it was not possible to reach agreement on the status of Transnistria. The Moldovan leadership refused to conduct direct talks with leaders of the unrecognized republic, stressing that it is necessary to negotiate with Russia, which writes the script of the negotiation process and manipulates leaders of self-proclaimed state. The regulation of the Transnistrian conflict was significantly hampered by the integration trends between Moldova and Romania, which did not lead to the ethnopolitical integration of both states, but became a hindrance to the reintegration of Transnistria into Moldova. Moldova balances between an association with Romania and an orientation towards Russia, depending on which political forces - pro-Russian or pro-Romanian gained power in the state. Ethnopolitical integration with Romania meant a loss of statehood and a lasting loss of hope in resolving the Transnistria conflict by returning the territory of an unrecognized republic to Moldova. Moldova is an example of an unstable post-Soviet state, an ethno-political system that contains many ethnic and territorial contradictions, are dependent on foreign policy players, in which disintegration-integration processes balance each other, preventing the state from advancing in any direction of integration/disintegration. The political course on the ethnopolitical integration of Moldova with Romania hinders the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict, the reintegration of the territories of an unrecognized republic into Moldova and threatens further disintegration - the secession of Gagauzia. Therefore, this post-Soviet state, full of internal contradictions, has not succeeded in any direction - both integration with Romania and overcoming the consequences of disintegration. But, despite the fact that Moldova did not restore territorial integrity, it retained statehood and sovereignty.

2

Uwarunkowania konfliktów etnopolitycznych w państwach wielonarodowościowych

89%

Jakubowski A.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2018

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issue 1

5-22

EN

The importance of ethnicity in many areas of contemporary political and social life is increasing rather than decreasing. Ethnicity still remains an important source of conflicts in the internal politics of states, often leading to the outbreak of armed conflicts. This article attempts to conceptualize the conditions of modern ethnopoliticalconflicts in which ethnic differences lie at the heart of the division between the parties in its historical, ethno-demographic, socio-economic, socio-cultural and political dimensions.

PL

Znaczenie czynnika etnicznego w wielu sferach współczesnego życia politycznego i społecznego nie tylko nie maleje, ale wręcz wzrasta, stając się przy tym ważnym źródłem sytuacji konfliktogennych w polityce wewnętrznej państw i niekiedy prowadząc do wybuchu konfliktów zbrojnych. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba konceptualizacji uwarunkowań współczesnych konfliktów etnopolitycznych, w których główną osią podziału stron pozostają różnice na płaszczyźnie etnicznej i narodowościowej w wymiarze historycznym, etniczno-demograficznym, społeczno-ekonomicznym, społeczno-kulturowym i politycznym.

3

Separatyzm jako zjawisko polityczne – analiza. Doświadczenia UE i wnioski dla Ukrainy

75%

Mosora M.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2022

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issue 4(171)

229–244

EN

The article deals with the phenomenon of separatism, its common understanding and main features. It discusses the most important separatist tendencies and the threat of separatism in the EU, including the typology and the centres of separatism in Europe. The principal reasons for separatist movements in the EU are described. Considering the complex origin of separatism, the homogeneity of its foundation in Europe is proved and the threat of separatism in Ukraine is analysed. Manifestations of separatism in Ukraine and the EU are compared, the influence of globalisation and regionalisation on the ethnopolitical process in the EU and Ukraine is justified, and the dual influence of regionalisation on separatism is revealed.

4

Prawne aspekty konfliktu w Górskim Karabachu: stan obecny i perspektywy

63%

Czachor R.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2022

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issue 1

97-125

EN

The following study picks up some important legal problems related to the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh – an Azerbaijani separatist province. The Armenians claim that in 1991 Nagorno-Karabakh effectively abandoned Azerbaijan and declared independence, while the Azeris argue that an armed secession was illegal and the disputed territory de jure remains under their jurisdiction. The paper pays particular attention to the main legal arguments that have been raised by both parties to the conflict. It asserts that under Soviet law the secession of Nagorno-Karabakh was not admissible. Pertain to the contemporary public international law the discussion starts with the conclusion that the principle of territorial integrity prevails over the principle of the self-determination of the peoples. However, all minorities, including the peoples and ethnic groups, should enjoy the right to the social, economic and cultural development. Even though Azerbaijan can claim the right to exercise jurisdiction over disputed territory, it should fulfill all duties of a state under the international covenants of civil, economic, social and cultural rights and the European Human Rights Convention.

PL

Poniższy artykuł podejmuje kilka prawnych problemów związanych z separatystyczną prowincją Azerbejdżanu – Górskim Karabachem. Ormianie twierdzą, że w 1991 roku Górski Karabach skutecznie opuścił Azerbejdżan i stanowi obecnie oddzielne państwo, podczas gdy Azerowie twierdzą, że była to nielegalna, zbrojna secesja, zaś de jure obszar ten pozostaje pod jurysdykcją Azerbejdżanu. W artykule poddano analizie wszystkie główne argumenty prawne podnoszone przez strony sporu. Stwierdzono, że na gruncie prawa radzieckiego secesja była dokonana w sposób naruszający prawo. Na gruncie prawa międzynarodowego ogółem zasada integralności terytorialnej ma pierwszeństwo przed zasadą samostanowienia narodów, aczkolwiek wszystkie mniejszości, także ludy i grupy etniczne, muszą mieć zagwarantowane w danym państwie prawo do zapewnienia rozwoju społecznego, gospodarczego i kulturalnego. Choć Azerbejdżan ma prawo roszczenia o sprawowanie jurysdykcji nad spornym obszarem, to niezbędne jest zagwarantowanie przez jego władze przestrzegania paktów praw człowieka i Europejskiej konwencji praw człowieka.

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1 Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

1 Przegląd Sejmowy

1 Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

1 Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

2 2022

2 2018

1 Czachor R.

1 Jakubowski A.

1 Mosora M.

1 Явір В.

Інтеграційно-дезінтеграційні процеси у Молдові

Uwarunkowania konfliktów etnopolitycznych w państwach wielonarodowościowych

Separatyzm jako zjawisko polityczne – analiza. Doświadczenia UE i wnioski dla Ukrainy

Prawne aspekty konfliktu w Górskim Karabachu: stan obecny i perspektywy