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EN
The article concerns different dimensions and criteria of ethnosocial stratification in Central Asia and its influence on ethnopolitics, concentrating on case Kazakhstan. The author considers theoretical aspects of the problem and pays attention to circumstances of forming ethno-social stratification and ethnic division of work. He tries to explain the principles of The Doctrine of The National Unity of Kazakhstan. Especially he pays attention to ethnic and sub‑ethnic division of work in authorities and state administration. He concentrates on factors and criteria of ethnic and sub-ethnic division of work. Author of the article underlines that ethno-social stratification can disturb of creation of nation of Kazakhstan as a civil community which is the aim of the state authorities.
EN
The article highlights the activities of the first non-governmental orga- nization of the Greek community in the history of independent Ukraine with the all-Ukrainian status — the Union of the Greeks of Ukraine, the origin of which gave birth to the Greek national and cultural movement on the territory of Ukraine in the late 80s of the XX century and played an important role in the process of its development in the first half of the 90s of the XX century, in particular, consolidating the Greeks of Ukraine around the idea of the revival of Hellenism. Modern Ukraine is a polyethnic country which national composition is represented by more than 100 ethnic communities, whose ancestors settled in various historical periods on its territory, creating compact settlements or living in disperse. Thus, the main task of the national ethnopolitics of independent Ukraine, which chose the democratic path of development, was to meet the socio-economic, cultural and political needs of all ethnic communities without exception. At present, in modern Ukrainian historiography, there are practically no studies devoted to the activities of the Greek community of independent Ukraine. Among the available works, one should mention Serhiy Parkhomenko’s thesis "Cultural Development of the Greek Community of Ukraine in the Second Half of the XX Century" (2003), in which, in particular, the process of structuring Ukrainian Greeks at the end of the twentieth century has been outlined. Normative legal acts of independent Ukraine in the field of national ethnopolitics, materials of the Current Archives of the Republican Society of the Greeks of Ukraine and its successor — the Union of the Greeks of Ukraine (Statute, Minutes of Sessions, Ordinances, etc.), as well as information gathered from the Internet resources are the grounds of the source base of our research.
XX
The article studies the main tendencies of development of the Russian federalism during the Post-Soviet period: institutional changes of the federal relations between the center and republics of the Russian Federation, the administrative-territorial changes connected with integration of regions, and also development of the budgetary federalism. The author notes that during the Post-Soviet period there was transit from „parade of sovereignties“ to “treaty model” federation, and then the constitutional federation with accurate institutional structure and vertical budgetary federalism.
PL
This article discusses the ethnopolitics of Vladimír Mečiar’s government in Slovakia in the period of years between 1994-1998, with a particular focus on the Hungarian minority. The introduction outlines ethnic heterogeneity in Slovakia, giving a brief historical background for some minorities. The next part covers the result of the 1994 parliamentary election, which led to the formation of the HZDS-SNS-ZRS coalition government headed by Vladimír Mečiar as Prime Minister. The study also includes the ideological profiles of the governmental parties, which are linked by strong accentuation of nationalism and statism. The article seeks to analyse the ethnopolitics of the government in the above-mentioned election term, evaluate its positive and negative aspects. In particular, the affairs, new legislation adopted and its impact on the largest Hungarian minority living in Slovakia.
EN
The aim of this article is to analyze the diverse socio-economic structure in the Eastern European countries and its impact on ethnopolitical management. The thematic-ethical scope of the research concerns the territorial-temporal space comprising an independent Belarus, Republic of Moldova and Ukraine. The author investigates this issue by seeking to answer two main research questions: 1) What are the main conditions for the presence and participation of minorities in the socio- economic structure of Eastern European countries? 2) How does the diverse socio-economic structure in multi-ethnic societies translate into ethnopolitical governance? The realization of the above objective is based on the application of a catalogue of research methods, including mainly the following: system analysis, a comparative method, the historical method; the behavioural method, the ethnodemographic method. In the concluding remarks the author states that the possible "omission" by the governments in the subregion of the determinants of ethnopolitical management, i.e. the diverse socioeconomic structure of multi-ethnic societies, is conducive to the ineffectiveness of ethno-politics and facilitates the emergence of ethnic tensions and conflicts, thus threatening the security of individual states and, consequently, the subregion as a whole.
Border and Regional Studies
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2020
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vol. 8
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issue 4
141-160
PL
The first part of the paper introduces the definition of the term Silesian harm and describes ways in which it can be observed among Upper Silesians. Further, the author elaborates on how the phenomenon emerged during the interwar period and how it was strengthened during and after the World War II, which led to exacerbation of national and ethnic conflicts in Upper Silesia. One of the effects of the World War II, was the invasion of the Red Army on Silesian lands and a wave of hatred, which led to the tragedy of the civilian population, referred to today as the Upper Silesian Tragedy. In the end, mechanisms of strengthening and consolidation of the sense of harm and abuse among the population of Upper Silesia are studied. The role of the Silesian harm in the process called 'the Upper Silesian awakening' has been scarcely studied in scholarly literature before, but its evolution indicates that the role it plays among the indigenous population of Upper Silesia has changed. Silesian harm is no longer seen as a stigma, but it has become a motivation for social and political action and participation.
EN
Russia is a state with a multi-ethnic federal structure inherited from the USSR. Implementing an ethnic policy that would unite and integrate its citizens is one of its most important goals. Among Russia’s federal subjects are also national republics pursuing their own ethno-political concepts, either conciliatory or conflictual. Tatarstan and Chechnya are examples of such republics. With the use of the comparative method, the article is an attempt at demonstrating many factors that have an impact on the shaping and implementing of the ethnic policy through such criteria as the status of the republics, the concept of the nation, and ethnocentrism, historical memory, the role of Islam and its politicization, and the language policy. The article also outlines their consequences and possible future scenarios.
EN
The Jewish Autonomous Region (JAR) of Birobidzhan in Siberia is still alive. The once famous “Siberian Zion”, at the confluence of the Bira and Bidzhan rivers, a stone’s throw away from China and a day from the Pacific Ocean, 9,000 km and six days by train from Moscow, is still a geographical reality. The political class of the Soviet Union decided to create a territory the size of Belgium for a settlement for Jews, choosing a region on the border between China and the Soviet Union. It believed that Soviet Jews needed, like other national minorities, a homeland with a territory. The Soviet regime thus opted to establish an enclave that would become the JAR in 1934. We should note that the creation of the JAR was the first historically fulfilled case of building an officially recognised Jewish national territory since antiquity and well before Israel. Nevertheless, many historians declared this experiment a failure and the history of the Region only tragic. It is interesting to note, however, that the survival of the JAR in post-Soviet Russia has been not only a historical curiosity, a legacy of Soviet national policy, but today – after the collapse of the Soviet Union – it represents a very interesting case study. It is also a topic useful for the analysis and understanding of inter-ethnic relations, cooperation, and coexistence and it is a unique case of geographic resettlement that produced a special case of “local patriotism”, as an example also for different ethnic groups living in the JAR, based on Jewish and Yiddish roots.
EN
In the mid-80s. the sepa ratist group, acting individually so far, have joined forces. This move made it clear to the authorities that the PRC are a huge threat pose to the integrity of the Chinese state. One of such organization is the Islamic Movement of Eastern Turkestan. It is an organization of Muslim separatist militants. The aim of the Islamic Movement of Eastern Turkestan is the separation from the PRC and creation of an independent state called East Turkestan. Its area would cover a large part of western China, as well as some regions lying in post-Soviet Central Asia republics. PRC authorities accuse Uighur separatists for the bombing buses, buildings, government institutions, and in public places such as markets, squares.
PL
W połowie lat 80. XX w. grupy separatystyczne, działające dotąd indywidualnie, połączyły swoje siły. Posunięcie to uświadomiło władzom ChRL, jak ogromne zagrożenie stanowią one dla integralności państwa chińskiego. Jedną z takich organizacji jest Islamski Ruch Wschodniego Turkiestanu, organizacja separatystycznych bojowników muzułmańskich. Celem Islamskiego Ruchu Wschodniego Turkiestanu jest odłączenie się od ChRL i stworzenie niepodległego państwa zwanego Wschodnim Turkiestanem. Jego obszar miałby obejmować dużą część zachodnich Chin, a także tureckojęzyczne regiony w Azji Centralnej. Władze ChRL oskarżają ujgurskich separatystów o podkładanie bomb pod autobusy, budynki instytucji rządowych oraz w miejscach publicznych, jak rynki i place.
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La etnopolítica en Bolivia

63%
EN
The article aims to present the mechanisms that led to the emer-gence of ethnic movements in Bolivia, a country where the indigenous population was characterized, until recently, by a lack of national consciousness. This was due to the fact that previous governments had a policy of assimilation of the ethnic population to achieve a controlled and uniform society. Even so, at the end of the 20th and the be-ginning of the 21th century, as a result of the neoliberal reforms of the late 80's. there was a dynamic development of ethnic movements, politicized and highly differen-tiated. This politicization of ethnicity was considered the leading strategy for creating the political parties and achieve their political goals.
ES
El objetivo del artículo es presentar los mecanismos que provoca-ron la aparición de los movimientos étnicos en Bolivia, un país donde la población indígena se caracterizaba, hasta hace poco, por una falta de conciencia nacional ya que los gobiernos anteriores aplicaban una política de asimilación de la población étnica hasta la consecución de una nación controlada y uniformada. A pesar de eso, a caballo de los siglos XX y XXI, como consecuencia de las reformas neoliberales de finales de los años 80., tuvo lugar un desarrollo dinámico de los movimientos étnicos fuertemente politizados y muy diferenciados. Esa politización de la etnicidad era una estrategia para constituir partidos políticos y conseguir sus fines políticos.
EN
The underlying aim of the article is to contribute to the understanding the relation between ethnic claims and policies which determine social relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the debate on the current constitutional crisis in this country. The present ethno‑political regime heavily depends on the perpetual crisis as the primary source of political articulation and action. Though the Dayton Accords ended war and established peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the agreement did not create a functional central government, lacking the capacity to undertake the reforms needed to meet the terms of accession to the European Union. The peace treaty designed future state structures around the very ethnic‑based power struggles that shaped the conflict. As a result, ethnic‑based politics continued to dominate political space. These politics, combined with high levels of international oversight have distorted the state building process, and reduced democratization efforts. Today, Bosnia’s future is still uncertain. Political squabbles have seriously detracted from Bosnia’s ability to engage in reforms needed to boost its economy and move closer to the EU. Conflicting ambitions of national party leaders is an important factor in this failure. Representatives of an ethnic group can veto any decision that they feel does not accord with their interests. This means in effect that all major decisions have to be made by consensus among the main ethnic parties, which is often very difficult since they have fundamentally different views on Bosnia’s future. Although Bosnia and Herzegovina is currently not in danger of being dismembered, awareness that the country cannot survive without multi‑ethnic collaboration should remain one of the guiding principles for Bosnia’s ruling ethnically‑based political parties.
PL
Głównym celem artykułu jest analiza etnopolityki Republiki Słowackiej. Zostanie ona przeprowadzona przede wszystkim w oparciu o bazę normatywną oraz zaplecze instytucjonalne, dzięki któremu funkcjonuje w tym kraju system ochrony praw mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych. Słowacja, to jeden z krajów postsocjalistycznych, który dzięki demokratycznej transformacji mógł przystąpić do Unii Europejskiej. Władze tego kraju przeprowadziły szereg reform w sferze etnopolityki dostosowując ją do standardów europejskich. Sytuacja etnopolityczna i związane z nią wyzwania, które stoją przed Republiką Słowacką są dość podobne do tych, z którymi ma do czynienia Ukraina, zwłaszcza w swoich przygranicznych regionach. Głównym celem etnopolityki Słowacji jest zabezpieczenie praw wszystkich mniejszości, zachowanie tolerancji międzyetnicznej oraz rozwój międzykulturowego dialogu. Przedstawiciele mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych na Słowacji posiadają szereg praw i możliwości działania. To bezpośrednio od samych wspólnot zależy, czy są one w stanie zorganizować się i korzystać dla własnego dobra z istniejących mechanizmów. Oprócz tego etnopolityczna strategia państwa przewiduje dwustronną współpracę z macierzystymi krajami poszczególnych mniejszości. Jako przykład może służyć dwustronna współpraca pomiędzy Ukrainą i Słowacją na rzecz zapewnienia ochrony praw mniejszości narodowych. Opiera się ona na działalności Ukraińsko-Słowackiej Międzyrządowej Komisji  do spraw Mniejszości Narodowych, Edukacji i Kultury. Rekomendacje formułowane przez wspomnianą komisję stanowią ważny instrument dla dialogu pomiędzy Słowacją i Ukrainą na rzecz zapewnienia dobrosądziedzkich stosunków.
EN
The main research objective of the study presented in this article was the ethnopolitics of the Slovak Republic, one of the V4 countries, namely the legislative base and the institutional ensuring the functioning of a system of protection of the national and ethnic minorities’ rights. Slovakia is one of the postsocialist countries that has made the transition to democracy on the way to joining the European Union. The country’s authorities conducted a series of reforms in the ethnopolitical sphere in accordance with European standards. An ethnopolitical picture and separate ethnopolitical challenges in the Slovak Republic are similar, especially in the border areas. Thus, the main goal of the ethnopolitics of Slovakia is to secure the rights of all minorities, interethnic tolerance and ensure the intercultural dialogue. Representatives of national and ethnic minorities in the Slovak Republic have a number of rights and opportunities, directly dependent on citizens whether they can organize themselves and use existing mechanisms for the benefit of their own community. In addition, the state's ethnopolitical strategy provides bilateral cooperation with the homelands of individual minorities. The bilateral cooperation between Ukraine and Slovakia is one of the examples. Bilateral cooperation between Ukraine and the Slovak Republic in the field of protection and ensuring of minority rights is based on the work of the Intergovernmental Slovak-Ukrainian Commission for National Minorities, Education and Culture. The recommendations of the commission are an important tool for constructive dialogue between Slovakia and Ukraine, ensuring good neighborly relations.
PL
Rozważania w niniejszym artykule dotyczą skali oddziaływania tradycji politycznych – opartych na powiązaniu etniczności i nacjonalizmu – występujących w czterech państwach Europy Środkowej. W części pierwszej autor odnosi się do pojęć: etniczności, nacjonalizmu i polityki (i pojęć pokrewnych) oraz zachodzących między nimi relacji na kanwie wybranych podejść badawczych, w tym także przez przywołanie własnego, autorskiego rozumienia nacjonalizmu. W ten sposób tworzy teoretyczną bazę do rozważań w części drugiej skupionych wokół odzwierciedlenia ww. powiązań z perspektywy politycznych dziejów najnowszych oraz współczesnych wspomnianych państw. Autor dokonuje weryfikacji założenia, na ile powstała wcześniej w tych państwach (lub ich poprzednikach, vide: Czechosłowacja jako byt przeszły) tradycja polityczna, oparta na powiązaniu etniczności i nacjonalizmu wykazuje żywotność także i dzisiaj. Metoda opisowo-historyczna ma tu zatem rangę wiodącą w zastosowanym porównawczym podejściu badawczym. To zaś umożliwia sformułowanie wniosku generalnego, iż żywotność zapoczątkowanych wcześniej tradycji politycznych jest utrzymana, pozostając zarazem zróżnicowaną pod kątem siły ich obecnego oddziaływania.
EN
The considerations in this article concern the scale of the impact of political traditions – based on the combination of ethnicity and nationalism – occurring in four Central European countries. In the first part, the author refers to the concepts of: ethnicity, nationalism and politics (and related concepts) and the relationships between them on the basis of selected research approaches, including by recalling his own, original understanding of nationalism. In this way, it creates a theoretical basis for the considerations in the second part focused on the reflection of the above mentioned connections from the perspective of the political history of the recent and contemporary countries mentioned above. The author verifies the assumption to what extent the political tradition established earlier in these countries (or their predecessors, vide: Czechoslovakia as a past existence), based on the link between ethnicity and nationalism, is still alive today. The descriptive-historical method is therefore of leading importance in the comparative research approach used. This, in turn, makes it possible to formulate a general conclusion that the vitality of the political traditions of the above mentioned it is maintained while remaining diversified in terms of the strength of their present impact.
EN
This article aims to deepen the analysis of the status of ethnopolitics in Eastern European countries - Belarus, Lithuania, Ukraine and Moldova. In the first part of the discussion the author explores the concept of "ethnopolitics", indicating that it pertains to the relationship between ethnicity and politics. Showing the main objectivesof ethnic policy she states that they can be classified into two groups: 1) concerning inter-ethnic relations; 2) targeted to specific entities (ethnic groups and the state in which they reside). Later in the article the author examines the ethno policy in the region, in practice, revealing its conditions and determinants at an intra-state and international level. It indicates the current balance of ethnic policies of selected countries in the region, the potential development of these policies. In the final part of the study she notes that in the discussions on the role of ethnopolitics in the countries and in the regions, there are voices that ethnic policy in Eastern Europe is an extremely important element of the basic functions of the states and the region, including the central phenomenon of the construction, reconstruction and strengthening of national identity. What is particularly important, ethnopolitics, understood in terms of public policy addressed to national and ethnic minorities living in the country, it is an important backbone of domestic and foreign policy, and the political and cultural identity of all ethnically and culturally heterogeneous countries of Eastern Europe.
PL
Rosnąca liczba prac naukowych na temat Ślązaków i Górnego Śląska wymaga od badaczy zagadnienia pierwszych form systematyzacji. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest wykazanie, że na Górnym Śląsku mamy do czynienia z wyjątkowymi, odrębnymi zjawiskami politycznymi. Badanie przeprowadzono poprzez ustrukturyzowany przegląd literatury naukowej, która obejmuje problematykę badań o naturze politologicznej, związanych ze Ślązakami i Górnym Śląskiem, traktowanymi jako specyficzny przedmiot analizy. Badanie objęło 25 artykułów naukowych indeksowanych w bazie Web of Science Core Collection. Analiza wykazała, że wiele zjawisk politycznych zachodzących na Górnym Śląsku ma charakter wyjątkowy, niespotykany w innych regionach Polski. Wskazano także na szereg problemów badawczych, które wymagają jeszcze zbadania, oraz na obecny w literaturze przedmiotu problem braku triangulacji danych.
EN
The growing body of scholarly literature on Silesians and Upper Silesia requires researchers to make first attempts to systematize the issue. The aim of this article is to demonstrate that in Upper Silesia we can observe unique, distinct political phenomena. The study was carried out as a structured review of scholarly literature which covers research in the field of political science, related to Silesians and Upper Silesia, treated as a specific object of analysis. The study included 25 scientific articles indexed in the Web of Science Core Collection database. The analysis has shown that many political phenomena occurring in Upper Silesia are of a unique character, not encountered in other regions of Poland. It also indicated a number of research problems that still need to be investigated and the problem of lack of data triangulation present in the literature.
EN
The article presents the goals, tasks, organization and major stages of implementation of the international programme of research on transformation in the countries Central Asia. The research has been conducted since 1997 by a team of political scientists from the University of Warsaw in cooperation with representatives of other Polish and foreign universities.
EN
Authors in this article present the findings of the research project on the leadership and the ethnopolitics in Tatarstan. They are making an attempt to conceptualise the ethnocratic leadership, they characterise the existing model of leadership through the ethnopolitics and Russian regionalism. The research leads to the conclusion that as a result of the Tatarisation of the political regime an ethnocratic model of leadership has been formed in the republic. The model shows some hybrid characteristics and constitutes peculiar synthesis of ethno-politics, authoritarianism and clannishness with the elements of the facade democracy. This model of leadership is manifested in different forms and shapes depending on the specific environment, as well as political and situational contexts. Much attention was paid to the genesis and evolution of this model of leadership and its links with the republican elite which recruitment, circulation and legitimacy is strongly connected with the ethnicization of politics.
RU
В этой статье авторы представляют результаты первого этапа научного проекта по лидерству и этнополитике в Татарстане. Они делают попытку концептуализировать этнократическое лидерство, характеризуют модель лидерства з точки зрения этнополитики и российского регионализма. Исследование приводит к выводу, что в результате татаризации политического режима был образован этнократический модель лидерстоа в республике. Модель показывает некоторые гибридные характеристики и составляет своеобразный синтез этнополитики, авторитаризма и клановости с элементами фасадной демократии. Эта модель лидерства проявляется в различных формах и видах, в зависимости от конкретных условий, а также политического и ситуационного контекста. Большое внимание было уделено анализу генезиса и эволюции этой модели лидерства, его связям с республиканской элитой, на которое большое влияние имеет этнизация политики.
PL
W artykule podjęto próbę opisu i wyjaśnienia specyfiki reżimu politycznego Tatarstanu – podmiotu Federacji Rosyjskiej, kładąc nacisk na jego wymiar etnokratyczny. Diagnozowany jest reżim polityczny Rosji, wyjaśnione źródła i konsekwencje asymetrii reżimu federalnego z regionalnymi reżimami politycznymi. Z diagnozy generalnie wynika, że istniejący kształt reżimu federalnego i reżimów regionalnych jest kryzosogenny i wymaga daleko idącej modernizacji. Autorzy artykułu przejęli założenie, że etnopolityka jest istotnym składnikiem reżimu politycznego państw etnopolitycznych. Szczegółowo uzasadniają ten pogląd badając etnokratyczne wymiary reżimu politycznego Tatarstanu. Dochodzą do wniosku, że w tatarstańskim reżimie ujawnia się swoista symbioza etatyzmu, etnokratyzmu, paternalizmu i trybalizmu. Definiują ten reżim jako autorytarno-etnokratyczny budowany na bazie korporatywizmu klanowo-politycznego, w którym szczególna pozycję zajmuje przywódca.
XX
This article attempts to describe and explain the specificity of the political regime of Tatarstan, a federal subject of the Russian Federation, with emphasis on its ethnocratic dimension. The subject of diagnosis is the Russian political system, as well as sources and consequences of asymmetry between the federal regime and regional political regimes. The diagnosis generally indicates that the existing form of the federal and regional regimes causes the political crises and requires a far-reaching modernization. The authors took an assumption that in the ethnopolitical countries the ethnopolitics is an essential component of the political regimes. They justify this thesis by examining ethnocratic dimensions of the political regime of Tatarstan. They come to a conclusion that the Tatarstani regime reveals a peculiar symbiosis of etatism, ethnocratism, paternalism and tribalism. This regime is defined as authoritarian and ethnocratic, built on the basis of the clannish and political corporatism, with a particular position held by the leader.
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