Search results

1

Szósta reforma państwa: zmiana sposobu kształtowania składu Senatu jako element ewolucji federalizmu w Królestwie Belgii

100%

Jackiewicz A.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2020

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issue 4(68)

27-42

EN

Analysis of the direction of changes in the composition of the Senate indicates that the political idea is to shape the Senate according to the most common model of a second chamber in federal states, formed by federal entities and limited in their competence to matters that are most important from the point of view of the entire federation and the interests of federal entities. The future of the Senate will depend on the activity and functioning of this chamber, especially if it turns out to be a functional bridge of communication between the entities of the federation, which is probably the most serious Belgian political challenge.

2

The Swiss model of federalism. Some lessons for the European Union

89%

Nitszke A.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2014

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issue 3

19-31

PL

Zasada federalizmu w Szwajcarii rozwijała się przez wieki. Był to proces, który nie zawsze przebiega ł w sposób pokojowy. Stworzenie szwajcarskiej państwowości wymagało pogodzenia różnych grup i interesów. Dzisiejsze rozwiązania federalne w Szwajcarii umożliwiają pokojowe współistnienie różnych grup językowych i religijnych. Kolejnym wyzwaniem było pogodzenie interesów bogatych i biednych kantonów. Poznanie mechanizmów federalizmu szwajcarskiego może stanowić wskazówkę dla dalszej integracji w ramach Unii Europejskiej, która pod wieloma względami przypomina Szwajcarię.

EN

The federal principle in Switzerland has been developing for centuries. It was a process that has not always proceeded in a peaceful manner. The creation of Swiss statehood required reconciling different groups and interests. Today’s federal solutions in Switzerland allow for the peaceful co-existence of different language and religious groups. Another challenge is to reconcile the interests of wealthy and poor cantons. Understanding how this happened can provide guidance for further integration within the European Union, which in many aspects might be compared to Switzerland.

3

How Federalism Can Promote a National Commitment to the Rule of Law

88%

Schapiro R. A.

Studia Iuridica

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2019

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vol. 79

131-147

EN

Promoting the rule of the law is a national responsibility. The obligation to ensure legality and advance human rights rests on the national government. This article analyzes how federalism, a system of distributing power among subnational entities, can promote this national goal. The article explores how states in the United States have played an important role in encouraging the federal government to enforce the law and safeguard rights. By means of resistance, cooperation, and redundancy, states have moved the United States closer to rule-of-law ideals. The state action sometimes takes the form of litigation, with states bringing suit against the federal government. Such suits have particular significance in challenging illegal inaction by the national government, as when the federal government fails to enforce environmental laws. Litigation by states may overcome standing barriers that would limit such suits by private individuals. States may also engage in direct action by pursuing their own policies that promote the rule of law. In these areas, the states may oppose the federal government, cooperate with the federal government, or act in an independent, parallel manner. What unites all of these modes and instruments of state-federal interaction is that the goal of states is to influence national policy. The state action may begin within the boundaries of a particular state, but what motivates the state initiative is a vision applicable to the nation as a whole. The ultimate aim of state action is not local divergence, but national uniformity. Federalism serves not as a license for local deviation from national norms, but instead as a means for states to engage actively in creating policy at a national level. In this way, independent state activity can indeed promote the national obligation to promote the rule of law throughout the country.

4

Geschichte als Argument : Das Böhmische Staatsrecht als politischer Leitbegriff im 19. Jahrhundert

88%

Osterkamp J.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2016

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vol. 8

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issue 1

9-27

EN

Historical state rights are characteristics of a few empires. Legally, they drew on the tradition of former estates’ orders and contained privileges estates or a County with regard to the Emperor. In the second half of the 19th century, however, this legal argument gave way for interpretations that were genuinely political. Historiography has often interpreted this shift as an exclusively nationalist one. Taking the Austrian Bohemian Lands and Czech nationalism as an example, this paper shows how the more complex the discourse was, in which history was transformed into political claims. In the realm of the Habsburg Monarchy, state rights legitimized so different ideas as feudal-estates’ orders, historic federalism or nation states. These political programs had conservative, national-liberal and even democratic implications combined with integrationist or separationist policies.

5

Mitteleuropa und der Gestaltungsprinzip Föderalismus: These Zentralismus — kontra These Föderalismus

88%

Dömők C.

Prague Papers on the History of International Relations

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2018

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issue 2

136-152

EN

As we know, it is very difficult to describe and define the Central European major region objectively according to regional aspects. Despite the various defining and describing attempts, we can state that creating an exact definition and an undisputable geographical classification is hardly possible. Principally cultural and intellectual criteria can underpin the definitions; secondly the economic and social interpretations, both of them in the spirit of plurality and polycentrism. The attempts to define Central Europe in political, geopolitical and geographical respect are particularly problematic and rather controversial as it is hardly possible to define a macro-region through the delineation of the political borders because they are optional and change constantly. It would be even less possible to limit it with the help of a geopolitical system and autocratic theories. A major region is subject to changes. It is appropriate to add that, in any event, this Central Europe lasted in the first half of the 20th century as a macro-regional phenomenon that was addressed, valued differently and even partially fought for.

6

"Nie taka Unia straszna, jak ją malują?" Stan integracji europejskiej i przyszłość Unii Europejskiej w oczach Polaków w świetle badań jakościowych

88%

Góra M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2015

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issue 2(33)

111-130

EN

Debate on Polish membership in the European Union has started almost immediately after 1989. Closer to the membership negotiations and enlargement – it became more concrete even though concentrated predominantly on the conditions of membership. Even after the membership the debate on the European integration concentrated on the benefits and costs of membership. Secondly, the impact of the integration on functioning of Polish – still young and fragile – democracy in Poland was debated. Thirdly, the axiological dimension of the debate focuses on how the European integration will impact the value system in Poland. There was only little interest of the future of integration, and the debate rather focused on what would be the benefits for the country. The main aim of this article is to present how today – ten years after the enlargement – issues connected with the European integration are debated by the ordinary citizens. The special focus will be put on how they perceive the future of the European integration in the context of economic crisis in Europe.

7

Granice włoskiej drogi do federalizmu. Uwarunkowania ustrojowe, historyczno-doktrynalne i kulturowo-społeczne

88%

Lis R.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2021

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issue 5(166)

55-76

EN

The aim of this article is to present the limitations of the possibilities of developing Italian federalism, resulting from both systemic and doctrinal conditions, as well as historical and socio-cultural ones. While the significant amendment of Title V of the Constitution of the Italian Republic in 2001 might indeed have heralded a further development in this direction, other relevant factors of Italian statehood did not favour it. Leaving aside the very issue of the limitations of the political system (understandable in the context of the historical and doctrinal choices of Italian statehood), which nevertheless ultimately deviates from federal solutions, it is necessary to mention above all the weaker – and less recognisable – position of the regions as potential components of federal-type sovereignty and the economic disparities between North and South, which are too large and too risky from a federalist perspective.

8

Ewolucja formowania składu Rady Federacji Zgromadzenia Federalnego Federacji Rosyjskiej

75%

Kryszeń G.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2013

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issue 6(119)

53-74

EN

The Constitution of the Russian Federation of 5 December 1993, establishing a bicameral parliament (the Federal Assembly), does not provide specifi c rules for determining the composition of the upper chamber — the Council of the Federation. The authors of the Constitution restrict themselves to declaration that this authority shall consist of includes two representatives from each subject of the Russian Federation (one from the legislative and one from the executive body of state authority), while the adoption of the procedure for its selection has been left for federal laws. The solutions established so far in this respect have proved to be unstable. The Federal Law of December 5, 2012, adopted the current procedure for creating the composition of the Council of Federation, the fourth since its inception. All the solutions so far existing which are presented chronologically in the article refl ected different concepts of representation of the Federation’s subjects and were usually dictated by current policy goals. They were of a unique character in comparison to the methods used for creating compositions of second chambers in other federal countries. Moreover, they were subject of permanent and lively disputes between the Russian constitutional law and political science theorists, also described in the article.

9

Koncepcja Padanii na przełomie XX i XXI wieku

75%

Bielański S.

Przegląd Geopolityczny

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2016

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vol. 18

PL

Wstępna część opracowania zawiera uzasadnienie tezy o znaczeniu wydarzeń politycznych z 1989 roku dla ukształtowania geopolitycznej sytuacji, w której mogła pojawić się koncepcja Padanii. Autor bada próby określenia zasięgu Padanii podejmowane przez zwolenników konfederacji północnych i środkowych regionów Włoch. Prezentuje sposoby implementacji tej koncepcji proponowane w połowie lat 90-tych ubiegłego wieku z inicjatywy Ligi Północnej U. Bossiego jak i przez teoretyków federalizmu (G. Miglio). Autor sugeruje potencjalny wzrost znaczenia tej koncepcji w okolicznościach kryzysu imigracyjnego.

EN

The introduction to the article examines the importance of the events of 1989 for the geopolitical conditions of Italy and the emergence of the concept of "Padania". The paper looks at the issues related to the precise boundaries of "Padania", treated by the followers of its creation as a confederation of northern and central regions of present-day Italy. It presents an attempt to implement the concept of "Padania" in the mid-90s, undertaken at the initiative of the Northern League (Lega Nord), led at the time by Umberto Bossi. There are discussed both concepts of Padania: one of Bossi and one of the theorist of federalism - Gianfranco Miglio. In conclusion, the article says that the Northern League continues to play on the Italian political stage role. Moreover, with the crisis associated with the massive influx into Europe (and through Italy) of Muslim immigrants

10

Suitable Political System for Starting Point of European Integration and its Contemporary Impulse: Historical Perspective

75%

Khuphenia S., Dzemyda I.

Horyzonty Polityki

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2015

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vol. 6

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issue 17

EN

What it meant by European Integration? We mean the historical process whereby European nation-states have been willing to transfer, or more usually pool, their sovereign powers in a collective enterprise. The European Union, which today contains twenty-eight member states, which has a complex institutional structure that includes a supranational central administration (the European Commission), an elected Parliament, a Court of Justice and a Central Bank, is the outcome of this processes. Many American and European scientists of the European Union have chided “intergovemmentalist” accounts for emphasizing the duration of member state authority over the process of European integration. This article attempts to prove these criticisms in a “historical institutionalist” account that mentions the importance of research on European integration as a political process which spreads over time. Such an aspect distinguishes the limitations of member-state control over permanent institutional improvements, due to a fixation with short-term interests, the existence of unexpected consequences, and actions that “lock in” past decisions and make affirmation of member-state control difficult. Short exploration of the development of social policy in the EC advocates the limitations of conducting the EC as an international regime promoting collective activity among sovereign states. It is important to view integration as a “path-dependent” process that has composed a dispersed, but still obvious “multitiered” European polity.

11

Człowiek trzech stuleci

75%

Szubin A., Kamiński A. A.

Nowa Krytyka

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2013

|

issue 30/31

137-154

EN

The article is devoted to the views and activities of the outstanding social thinker Mikhail Bakunin. Bakunin - man three centuries. First, he was a brilliant representative of the XIX century - the century of philosophizing, barricades, romantic uprisings. Secondly, Bakunin predicted many of the phenomena of the twentieth century, such as social depth and breadth to the Russian revolutions and the basic features of totalitarian regimes. Thirdly, he created the project of a new society in which there will be neither capitalist nor state oppression, where will prevail friendly communication and self-government employees. XXI century raised questions about a new society, and futurologists have to reopen what Bakunin and others close to him theorists.

12

European Union citizenship in the federalist perspective

75%

Rojewska M.

Polish Journal of Political Science

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2019

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vol. 5

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issue 3

47-81

EN

The article analyses the importance of the existence and functioning of European Union (EU) citizenship institutions for materialization of federal concepts of European integration. In the first place, the evolution of this institution and legal foundations of its functioning have been analysed. The second part of the article is aimed at answering the question to what extent EU citizenship may be regarded as a federal institution. Then the issue of the importance of this institution for building political identity of Europeans should be considered.

13

Federalizm w programie politycznym Ligi Północnej na rzecz Niepodległości Padanii

75%

Woźniak J.

Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego ACTA POLITICA

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2013

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issue 26

71-102

EN

The Northern League for Independence of Padania is the one of the Italian’s parties, which occurred in 1979 in Lombardy (one of the richest region in Northern Italy). The principal goal of that party was to change the territorial system in Italy for the federalism and in consequence to give more political power for the regions. The only way for creation of the federal system in Italy was to change the Constitution and present projects of the reforms. One of it was the devolution which signifies the transfer of competences from the state level to the regional administration. The Italian Parliament accepted the project of devolution but the final approval depended on citizens in the referendum which Lega lost in 2006. Another project presented by the League introduces the fiscal federalism which concerns how expenditures and fiscal instruments are allocated across different levels of the administration.

PL

Liga Północna na rzecz Niepodległości Padania jest jedną z partii włoskiej, która pojawiła się w 1979 roku w Lombardii (jeden z najbogatszych regionów w północnych Włoszech). Najważniejszym celem tej partii była zmiana systemu terytorialnego we Włoszech na federalny i w konsekwencji przekazać więcej władzy regionom. Jedynym sposobem na stworzenie systemu federalnego we Włoszech była zmiana Konstytucji i odpowiednie projekty reform np. devolution co oznacza przeniesienie części kompetencji państwa na poziom administracji regionalnej. Włoski parlament przyjął projekt decentralizacji, ale ostateczne zatwierdzenie zależało od obywateli w referendum, które Liga przegrała w 2006 roku. Inny projekt przedstawiony przez Ligę dotyczył federalizmu fiskalnego, który umożliwia wykorzystywanie lokalnych środków finansowych oraz instrumentów podatkowych przez administrację regionalną czy gminną. Proces przekazywania kompetencji państwa w zakresie finansów lokalnych jest w trakcie realizacji.

14

Federacja europejska — projekt polityczny czy utopia?

75%

Rojewska M.

Rocznik Europeistyczny

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2016

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issue 2

135-148

EN

In the past, in the discourse (in the 1940s and 1950s) which led to the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community, the European Economic Community and the European Atomic Energy Community, different concepts and demands created the set of concepts calling to building the unity and the peace in Europe in the spirit of federalism. These concepts were the dominant and most important theory underlying the integration project. Now, in the face of crises in the European Union (leadership crisis, financial crisis, structural crisis), the discussion on the idea of federation as possible finalité politique is gaining popularity again. This article attempts to answer the question whether federalist’s demands are a viable political project or utopia, which remain unrealized. For this aim, the author made a comparison between classical and contemporary federal concepts taking into consideration the arguments for the creation of the European federation, methods and effects.

15

Dialektika bez syntézy. Myšlení Pierra-Josepha Proudhona

75%

Pelikán Č.

Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)

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2022

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vol. 70

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issue 2

303-318

EN

Pierre-Joseph Proudhon is generally regarded to be one of the founders of anarchism. Anarchism as a political current is most often characterized by its values and attitudes, but the research into it seldom considers how these values and attitudes are connected to the modes of thinking and argumentation of its most prominent representatives. Proudhon is a good example of this. His extensive and varied body of work illustrates the connection between the emancipatory ideals of anarchism and the complexity and polysemy of the non-authoritarian way of thinking. The article attempts to demonstrate his methods of thinking with several examples that treat such basic themes of his work as the question of justice, the problem of property, mutual support (i.e. mutualism) and the political organization of society along federated lines. The article also points to the ambiguous acceptance of Proudhon’s work by individual anarchist currents and also to certain limits to his way of thinking that result from his acceptance of certain problematic starting points.

CS

Pierre-Joseph Proudhon bývá pokládán za jednoho ze zakladatelů anarchismu. Anarchismus jako politický proud je zpravidla charakterizován svými hodnotami a postoji, ovšem málokdy se při jeho zkoumání uvažuje o tom, jak tyto hodnoty a postoje souvisejí se způsoby myšlení a argumentace jeho výrazných představitelů. Proudhon je však právě v tomto ohledu dobrým příkladem. Jeho rozsáhlé a rozmanité dílo ilustruje spojitost mezi emancipačními ideály anarchismu a komplexností a mnohovýznamovostí neautoritativního způsobu myšlení. Stať se pokouší demonstrovat Proudhonovy způsoby myšlení na několika příkladech zpracování takových základních témat jeho díla, jako je otázka spravedlnosti, problém vlastnictví, vzájemné podpory čili mutualismu, či federativního politického uspořádání společnosti. Poukazuje též na nejednoznačné přijetí Proudhonova díla jednotlivými anarchistickými proudy a také na jisté meze jeho způsobu uvažování, vyplývající z přijetí určitých problematických východisek.

16

Sixth State Reform – A Belgian Copernican Revolution or a Missed Opportunity?

75%

Jackiewicz A.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

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2019

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issue 6 (52)

237-251

EN

The article attempts to analyze the significance of the Sixth State Reform in the context of the evolution of the federal system in Belgium. The origins and the assumptions of this reform are analyzed, its main areas are presented, and then the systemic changes are evaluated. The deliberations, which took a broad account of the statements of representatives of the Belgian science of public law, lead to the conclusion that the reform, on the one hand, may be regarded as a kind of Copernican revolution in politics, but on the other hand, it is a missed opportunity to unravel the complicated paths of the Belgian federalism. The conclusions also indicate possible projections of the directions of the evolution of the political system in Belgium, concluding that the reform does not settle the directions of further development and the changes in this extremely sublime, though not necessarily clear, territorial structure of the country. However, it seems to be certain that this is not the last reform.

PL

W artykule podjęto próbę analizy znaczenia Szóstej Reformy Państwa w kontekście ewolucji ustroju federalnego Belgii. Przeanalizowano genezę oraz założenia tej reformy, przedstawiono główne jej obszary, a następnie dokonano oceny przeprowadzonych zmian ustrojowych. Rozważania, przy których uwzględniono szeroko wypowiedzi przedstawicieli belgijskiej nauki prawa publicznego, prowadzą do wniosku, że reforma z jednej strony może być uznana za swoisty ustrojowy przewrót kopernikański, ale z drugiej strony jest niewykorzystaną szansą na rozplątanie skomplikowanych ścieżek federalizmu belgijskiego. W konkluzjach wskazano również możliwe projekcje kierunków ewolucji ustroju politycznego Belgii, wnioskując że reforma nie przesądza kierunków dalszego rozwoju i zmian w tej niezwykle wysublimowanej, choć niekoniecznie czytelnej strukturze terytorialnej tego państwa. Wydaje się jednak przesądzone, że nie jest to reforma ostatnia.

17

Czy Unia Europejska powinna stać się federacją?

75%

Hązła M.

Społeczeństwo i Polityka

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2021

|

issue 3(68)

57-79

EN

The subject of the article is the analysis of the concept of federalisation of the European Union, as a worthwhile answer to many of the problems that afflict Europe. Because of economic integration which preceded political one, the European Union currently faces a number of systemic inconsistencies, which have caused it to be relatively weakened in the international scene, and which could be resolved by the adoption of a federal system. The article characterizes the EU’s most important problems and presents the positive impact that federalisation could bring about. A broader view of political and economic issues reveals the need to strengthen the European Community in the midst of the growing economic powers of China, Russia and the United States, in order to avoid Europe’s marginalization in the international scene.

PL

Tematem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza koncepcji federalizacji Unii Europejskiej, jako wartej rozważenia odpowiedzi na wiele z trapiących Europę problemów. Ze względu na integrację ekonomiczną następującą przed integracją polityczną, Unia Europejska zmaga się obecnie z wieloma niespójnościami systemowymi, powodującymi jej względne osłabienie na arenie międzynarodowej, których jednym z potencjalnych rozwiązań mogłoby stać się oficjalne przyjęcie ustroju federalnego. W artykule scharakteryzowano niektóre z najważniejszych problemów UE oraz przedstawiono pozytywny wpływ, jaki mogłaby na nie wywrzeć federalizacja. Szersze spojrzenie na zagadnienia polityczne i gospodarcze ukazuje bowiem potrzebę wzmocnienia europejskiej Wspólnoty w obliczu rosnących gospodarczych, politycznych i technologicznych potęg Chin, Rosji oraz Stanów Zjednoczonych, celem uniknięcia marginalizacji Europy na arenie międzynarodowej.

18

Deutschlands Krisenmanagement in der CORONA-Pandemie. Herausforderungen eines föderalen politisch-administrativen Systems

71%

Franzke J.

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

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2020

|

issue 14

325-342

PL

Dieser Beitrag befasst sich mit der Analyse und der Bewertung des Krisenmanagements in Deutschland im Zuge der COVID-19 Pandemie (Redaktionsschluss Mitte August 2020). Schwerpunkt bilden die Analyse und kritische Bewertung der Kompetenzverteilung zwischen Bund, Ländern und Kommunen in Deutschland bei Gesundheitskrisen wie dieser. Rechtliche Basis dafür ist die allgemeine Generalklausel des Nationalen Infektionsschutzgesetzes (IfSG), die weitgehende Eingriffe in das öffentliche Leben erlaubt, ohne den Notstand ausrufen zu müssen. Im nächsten Schritt werden die bisherigen Phasen der Pandemiebekämpfung in Deutschland kurz dargestellt. Als Fallbeispiel werden schließlich die Anpassungsstrategien der Kommunen während der CORONA-Krise bezüglich der Verwaltungsführungen, der Kernverwaltungen, der kommunalen Unternehmen, der Kommunalpolitik und der lokalen Bürgerbeteiligung herausgearbeitet. Der Beitrag endet mit einem Fazit, welches vorläufig bleiben muss, da die Pandemie noch nicht vorüber ist.

EN

This article deals with the analysis and evaluation of crisis management in Germany in the course of the COVID-19 pandemic (deadline mid-August 2020). The focus is on the analysis and critical assessment of the distribution of competencies between the federal, federal states and local levels in the German political-administrative system in health crises like this pandemic. The legal basis for the state measures is is the general clause of the National Infection Protection Act (IfSG), which allows extensive interventions in public life without having to declare a state of emergency. In the next step, the previous phases of fighting the pandemic in Germany are briefly presented. Finally, as a case study, the adaptation strategies of the municipalities during the CORONA crisis with regard to administrative management, core administrations, municipal companies, municipal politics and local citizen participation are worked out. The article ends with some conclusions, which must remain for the time being, as the pandemic is not over yet.

19

Is direct democracy in Switzerland dysfunctional?

71%

Matyja M.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2016

|

issue 4

19-26

PL

Uchwalenie Konstytucji Federalnej w 1848 roku było istotne dla kształtowania systemu politycznego Szwajcarii. Aktualna Konstytucja Federalna Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej została uchwalona w 1999 roku. Obecnie system tego kraju można określić mianem parlamentarno-komitetowego (system konwentu). Ze względu jednak na jego specyfikę, objawiającą się w głównie w dużej roli kantonów, określany jest także jako parlamentarno-kantonalny. Istotnym elementem systemu jest duża niezależność i samodzielność kantonów, a także gmin. Elementem determinującym kształt partii politycznych i podział socjopolityczny Szwajcarii jest przede wszystkim jej wielokulturowość. Zasadniczymi instrumentami demokratycznymi w tym państwie są: referendum, inicjatywa ludowa, zgromadzenie ludowe. Dysfunkcjonalne elementy szwajcarskiej demokracji bezpośredniej blokują efektywność procesu decyzyjnego w tym systemie politycznym.

EN

An important element shaping the political system of Switzerland was adopting the Federal Constitution in 1848. The current Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation was adopted in 1999. The current political system of this country can be referred to as directorial; however, because this specific system manifests itself mainly through the significant role of the cantons, it is also referred to as a ‘parliamentary-cantonal’ system. An important element of the system is the large degree of independence and self-reliance of the cantons and the communes. What determines the shape of the political parties and the socio-political division of Switzerland is the multiculturalism of the country. The fundamental democratic instruments in the country comprise: referenda; popular initiatives and popular assemblies. Dysfunctional qualities hinder the system, and even constitute a barrier for the effectiveness of the process of decision-making.

20

ESTATUTO DA METRÓPOLE E GESTÃO DE AGLOMERADOS URBANOS NO BRASIL

63%

MOULIN S. PENALVA SANTOS A., RAMOS PRADO VASQUES P. H.

Revista del CESLA. International Latin American Studies Review

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2016

|

issue 19

125-152

PT

O Brasil está organizado como uma federação tripartite, em que os municípios lograram a condição de entes federativos e responsáveis pela política urbana. Esta, no entanto, não se resume à ordenação do uso do solo, mas também a políticas setoriais, como o saneamento, a habitação e mobilidade, que geralmente extravasam as fronteiras municipais. Nesse contexto, a lei do Estatuto da Metrópole veio preencher uma lacuna nas formas de coordenação interfederativa para a gestão de territórios que constituem aglomerações urbanas, mas não são entes federativos. Trata-se de um importante avanço normativo que, no entanto, está a espera de avanços na cooperação federativa para o financiamento dos serviços de interesse interfederativo.

EN

Brazil is politically and administratively organized as a tripartite federation, in which municipalities have achieved the status of federative entities and are now responsible for the urban policy. This, however, is not just about land use planning, but it also concerns sectoral policies such as sanitation, housing and mobility, which often go beyond municipal boundaries. In this context, the Statute of the Metropolis Act has filled a gap in the forms of interfederative coordination for the management of territories that constitute urban agglomerations, but are not federal entities. This is an important policy development, however, which is still awaiting progress in the federative cooperation for the financing of interfederative interest services.

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