This article examines the main aspects of the economic policy of the German administration within the Kolomyia region during 1941-1944. On the bases of „Vollia Pokuttya“ news, the directions of Germany economic governance in the agrarian and trade commercial sector were singled out. The economic policy pursued by the German occupation authorities in the Kolomyia region vividly reflected the general trend of expansionist use of industrial and human potential in the district of Galicia. This led to acts of disobedience and sabotage of grain supplies by the peasants and a harsh reaction from the authorities. Nazi officials pursued a similar policy in the cities. By allowing the resumption of business and cooperatives, the Germans hoped to gain the loyalty of local residents. However, support could not be achieved, as de facto control over the above institutions continued to be exercised by various governmental economic groups, which included all existing industrial organizations, craft associations, and consumer cooperatives. Mobilization and organization government measures concerning the departure of the population for job to the Reich were illuminated, and also described their life conditions and social-legal status. In particular, the goal of agricultural and handicraft courses, which operated in Kolomyia’s county, was analyzed. The paper highlights that the organization of professional education was suitable for pragmatic considerations of the Nazi administration, as military failures give the power a push to attract local population to spend active agricultural life. This study is the first attempt of complex assessment of economic policy of the German occupation regime in the mentioned terrains. Therefore, the results of this paper are important both for the further development of historical regionalism and in the context of studies devoted to the Second World War.
The article is an attempt to investigate the scale, form and scope of memory about forced laborers in the Polish symbolic landscape. Emphasis is placed on the analysis of monuments and plaques dedicated to former forced laborers. In the period of the Polish People’s Republic workers were a group of Second World War victims which was too common be given a special place in the collective memory of Poles. Only the creation of the Association of Poles – Victims of the Third Reich at the end of the 1980s opened the space for a symbolic commemoration of the deportation of Poles to forced labor in Germany. An opportunity to incorporate forced labor into the memory of the Second World War came with the debate on reparations from the German government at the beginning of the 21st century. In today’s Poland there are not many places dedicated to those nearly 3 million people who make up this specific group of victims of the German occupation of Poland. Numerous such places were established in the last few years, mainly as part of grassroots initiatives aimed at discovering the local history of a particular area. However, forced labor is still insufficiently present in the Polish memory of the Second World War.
The study deals with the capturing of prisoners by the Red Army, taking control over Transylvania in the fall of 1944. More precisely, it presents the deportation of Hungarian civilians from Kolozsvár (today: Cluj-Napoca, Romania), took over in only a few days, immediately after the entering of the Soviet troops in the city, in October 1944. The main objective of this study is to realize an analysis on this capturing, in order to present the methods used by the Soviet Union in collecting manpower for rebuilding of the country, all over Eastern Europe, at the end ofWorldWar II. There are described the circumstances of capturing the prisoners, the number of those taken away, the routes of their deportation, the locations of the forced labour camps, the length of the captivity, the number of the victims, and the return of the survivors. With these alltogether, the study aims to offer a comprehensive perspective on a theme being taboo for fourty years under the communist regime in Romania. The source material of the study consists of archival data, specialist books, scientific articles, essays, published recollections, memoires and interviews with survivors made by the author
Artykuł prezentuje podstawowe zagadnienia dotyczące handlu ludźmi. Charakteryzuje ofiary tego przestępstwa (dzieci i kobiety), metody działania sprawców, skalę zjawiska i prawne aspekty walki z tym problemem. W artykule przytoczone zostały także przykładowe sytuacje handlu ludźmi.
EN
The article presents the basic issues of human trafficking. It is characterized by the victims of this crime (children and women), methods of operation of the perpetrators, the scale of the phenomenon and legal aspects of the fight against this problem. Information about cases of human trafficking is also included.
In the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, work was compulsory according to the 1918 labor code. This stemmed from the ideas of Marx. This position was also held by Lenin, Trotsky and others. The Communist Party could assign anyone any work. Evading work was a counter-revolutionary crime. Likewise, it was a crime to arbitrarily change one’s place of work. The compulsion to work required the use of terror. Terror was an everyday phenomenon in the USSR. Low labor productivity was a constant affliction. Prison labor was used en masse from the beginning. The GULAG system (forced labor camps) expanded. Prison labor was becoming less and less productive. In 1956, the GULAG camps were renamed “penal colonies,” which still exist in Russia today.
PL
W Związku Socjalistycznych Republik Sowieckich praca była obowiązkowa. Kodeks pracy z 1918 r. przewidywał przymus pracy. Wynikało to z idei Marksa. Stanowisko takie zajmowali też Lenin, Trocki i inni. Partia komunistyczna mogła każdemu wyznaczyć dowolną pracę. Uchylanie się od pracy było przestępstwem kontrrewolucyjnym. Tak samo przestępstwem była samowolna zmiana miejsca pracy. Przymus pracy wymagał stosowania terroru. Terror był zjawiskiem codziennym w ZSRR. Niska wydajność pracy była stałą bolączką. Od początku masowo stosowano pracę więźniów. System łagrów (obozów pracy przymusowej) ulegał rozbudowie. Praca więźniów była coraz mniej wydajna. W 1956 r. GUŁAG zmienił nazwę na „kolonie karne”, które istnieją w Rosji do dzisiaj.
Even at the beginning of the Second World War it had to be clear for the German military and economic leaders that it would not be possible to fight or even win a long-lasting war without foreign workers. In the Second World War not only POWs but also civilians and prisoners of concentration camps were forced to work as slaves to continue Hitler’s war. In Salzburg, there were no big camps with thousands of slave workers, as existed in other regions of Germany. Mainly the slave workers, who were forced to work for the big power plant projects (“Tauernkraftwerke Kaprun-Glockner”, “Kraftwerk Weißsee”), lived in such circumstances. The first Polish POWs arrived in the Province of Salzburg in autumn of 1939 only a few weeks after the German invasion of Poland. Most of them were not detained in camps. They lived on farms, and their living conditions were better than those for the inmates of camps. Like in the First World War, prisoners of war had to work on farms to replace those men who served in the German Wehrmacht or other military formations. As mentioned, no big industrial plants for the arms sector existed in the “Reichsgau Salzburg”. Foreign forced labourers, POWs and civil workers were deployed to relatively little factories or handicraft businesses. In many cases the situation for this group of slave workers was similar to those, who worked on farms. Already in autumn 1941, the works at the construction sites of the “Reichsautobahn” (highway) around the city of Salzburg had to be cancelled. At least from spring 1943 almost all building projects, which had no direct context to the “Totalen Krieg”, had to be stopped. The foreign labourers of all kind were transferred to projects essential to the war efforts. Especially buildings for the air raid protection hat to became priority. The living and working conditions for the foreign forced workers, POWs and civil labourers, were very inhomogeneous in the national socialist “Third Reich”. So it was in the “Reichsgau Salzburg” during the Second World War. It could have been horrible and deadly, but also almost acceptable according to the regulations of international law. One point has to be emphasized here, that all of these slave workers, deported against their will from their homelands, were forced to work in the enemy’s land to prolong a criminal war.
PL
W okresie II wojny światowej nie tylko jeńcy wojenni, ale także cywile oraz więźniowie obozów kon-centracyjnych byli zmuszani do pracy jako niewolnicy niezbędni do funkcjonowania machiny wojennej Hitle-ra. W Salzburgu nie było wielkich obozów pracy niewolniczej, jakie funkcjonowały w innych regionach Nie-miec, ale w obozach żyli robotnicy przymusowi pracujący przy budowie wielkich elektrowni wodnych w okolicach Kaprun i Uttendorf. Pierwsi polscy jeńcy wojenni przybyli do prowincji Salzburg jesienią 1939 roku kilka tygodni po niemieckiej inwazji na Polskę. Większość z nich nie trafiła do obozów. Żyli na farmach, a ich warunki życia były lepsze niż w przypadku więźniów obozów. Analogicznie jak w czasie I wojny światowej jeńcy wojenni musieli pracować na farmach, by zająć miejsce mężczyzn, którzy służyli w Wehrmachcie i pozo-stałych formacjach militarnych. W „Reichsgau Salzburg” nie było wielkich zakładów przemysłu zbrojeniowe-go. Zagraniczni przymusowi robotnicy byli rozdzielani pomiędzy relatywnie niewielkie przedsiębiorstwa oraz zakłady rzemieślnicze. W wielu przypadkach ich sytuacja była podobna do sytuacji tych, którzy pracowali na farmach. Warunki życia i pracy zagranicznych robotników przymusowych były w Trzeciej Rzeszy niejedno-rodne. Tak też było w Regionie Salzburga. Warunki te mogły być straszne i prowadzące do śmierci, ale mogły być również niemalże zgodne z regulacjami prawa międzynarodowego. Należy jednak podkreślić, że wszyscy ci przymusowi robotnicy, deportowani wbrew własnej woli z ich ojczyzn, byli zmuszani do pracy w kraju wroga na rzecz prowadzonej przez niego zbrodniczej wojny.
Review of book: Sebastian Rosenbaum, Dariusz Węgrzyn (red.), Wywózka. Deportacja mieszkańców Górnego Śląska do obozów pracy przymusowej w Związku Sowieckim w 1945 roku. Faktografia-konteksty-pamięć, Instytut Pamięci Narodowej – Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, Oddział w Katowicach, Katowice 2014, ss. 454
PL
Recenzja publikacji: Sebastian Rosenbaum, Dariusz Węgrzyn (red.), Wywózka. Deportacja mieszkańców Górnego Śląska do obozów pracy przymusowej w Związku Sowieckim w 1945 roku. Faktografia-konteksty-pamięć, Instytut Pamięci Narodowej – Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, Oddział w Katowicach, Katowice 2014, ss. 454
„Goniec Krakowski”, a newspaper issued in the General Government by the German occupational authorities for the Polish population (1939-1945), had a strongly anti-Jewish character. The language of many articles was primitive and brutal, as well as full of lies, distortions and insults. This anti-Jewish propaganda was based on an old conspiracy theo-ry, knowing from infamous Protocols of the Elders of Zion: Jews seeking to control the world economy, politics and culture. The subsequent stages of the German policy toward the Jews was justified by need of ‘liberation’ of Poles from the Jewish domination. One could find articles related to forced labor, restrictions on economic activities, measures of repression toward Jews; much attention was also paid to anti-Jewish agitation among the Poles. On the other hand, the mass extermination of Jews has been completely omitted by the newspaper.
PL
„Goniec Krakowski”, gazeta wydawana w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie przez niemieckie władze okupacyjne dla ludności polskiej (1939-1945), miała charakter zdecydowanie antyżydowski. Język wielu artykułów był prymitywny i brutalny, a także pełen kłamstw, przeinaczeń i obelg. Ta antyżydowska propaganda opierała się na starej teologii spiskowej, znanej z niesławnych Protokołów Starszych Syjonu: Żydzi dążą do opanowania światowej gospodarki, polityki i kultury. Kolejne etapy niemieckiej polityki wobec Żydów uzasadniano potrzebą „wyzwolenia” Polaków spod żydowskiej dominacji. Można było znaleźć artykuły dotyczące pracy przymusowej, ograniczenia działalności gospodarczej, represji wobec Żydów; wiele uwagi poświęcano też antyżydowskiej agitacji wśród Polaków. Z drugiej strony, masowa eksterminacja Żydów została całkowicie pominięta w gazecie.
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