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EN
The break-up of the former Yugoslavia resulted in the establishment of seven states with manifestly different citizenship regimes. Relating the politics of citizenship to the dominant nation-building projects, this paper argues that in the post-Yugoslav countries in which nation-building projects are consolidated (Croatia, Slovenia and Serbia) citizenship regimes converge around ethnic inclusiveness, while in those where nation building is contested (Macedonia and Montenegro) territorial rather than ethnic attachments are articulated in citizenship policies. In the case of Kosovo, and to a certain degree Bosnia and Herzegovina, policies emphasise territory due to international involvement in the shaping of their citizenship regimes. Even though all of these states have adopted ius sanguinis as the main mechanism of citizenship attribution at birth, the different approaches to naturalisation and dual citizenship indicate that the politics of citizenship are inextricably linked to the questions of nation building and statehood. To explore these issues, the paper first outlines the main traits of citizenship policies in contested and consolidated states. It proceeds by looking at different naturalisation requirements in the two groups of states. It argues that extension to ethnic kin occurs only in countries in which statehood and nation building are consolidated, where it serves to project an image of national unity. In states that are challenged by several competing nation-building projects, citizenship attribution through ethnic kinship is impossible due to lack of internal unity. The paper also analyses approaches to dual citizenship, identifying patterns of openness and restrictiveness. By doing so, it links the politics of citizenship to the interaction of foreign policy mechanisms in post-Yugoslav countries and identifies the points where these regimes overlap or conflict with each other.
Zarządzanie i Finanse
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2013
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vol. 2
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issue 6
97-112
EN
This paper makes an historical evaluation of workers’ self-management which lasted for about 40 years in the former Yugoslavia. Directors’ power was reduced considerably especially in the regime of the 1974 Constitution. Banks lacked autonomy in this regime. Banks were given a status of financial institu-tions which ought to serve self-managed enterprises. The way of founding banks was changed in such a way that self-managed enterprises founded a bank by pooling funds. Self-managed enterprises owed banks a large amount of debt, and local political circles were interested in financing the local self-managed enterprises for the purpose of development of the regional economy. Banks were actually managed by big debtors. Due to these defects self-management in the former Yugoslavia proved inefficient.
EN
This article discusses how former child refugees from Yugoslav wars, who have permanently resettled in Norway, narrate their past refugee experiences, and how they negotiate their belonging and integration in the present. The article argues that child refugees are particularly important research subjects in the field of migration and forced migration studies: refugees and forced migrants are the most vulnerable of all migrants, while children are the most vulnerable and powerless among all forced migrants. Turning back to the past experiences and memories of people who went through this type of experience in the not so distant past, might helps us understand what challenges the numerous refugees of today are facing, and help answer what receiving societies can do in response to the arrival of the new refugees.
EN
As a consequence of economic globalisation, the Western Balkans has been experiencing massive boom in the building of houses. In rural and mountain parts of the former Yugoslavia, in some of the least expected locations, often in areas inhabited by ethnic minorities, many imposing houses have been constructed. These are often bigger and more extravagant than their models in western European suburbs and have been built largely on the basis of remittances from migrants in the EU or USA. It is not just “remittance houses” but whole new “remittance landscapes” that have come into being. This article explores the elemental spontaneity of this building boom. Many of the houses concerned have been built without project plans, architects or building permission and the new suburbs are developing without urban planning or infrastructure. I try to show some of the predictable but, above all, unexpected connections and results of the absence of rationalist planning and budgeting, and attempt to identify what is behind this phenomenon.
EN
The Yugoslav Act of 1982 on resolving conflict of laws with regulations of other countries is still in force in the Republic of Serbia. The law drafted over 40 years ago was considered as innovative at the time of its adoption. At present, the Serbian academic community signals the need to update the current provisions of private international law, both in the spirit of approximation with the law of the European Union and in the need to better embed this law in the present legal order of the Republic of Serbia. The draft of a new act on private international law, prepared in 2014, was not adopted yet, although it was not formally rejected as such in Serbian legislative procedures (as of April 13, 2023) either. Though not formally binding, the draft law has been cited in recent years in the Serbian law journals, being an important point of reference for considerations on questions related to private international law in Serbia. It must be admitted that the progressive Serbian academic community turned out to be an active inspirer, creator and is now also a tireless advocate of changes in the field of private international law in Serbia.Serbia, which has been an EU candidate since 2013, has no particular obligation to introduce specific solutions in the field of private international law into its national law neither before nor after accession. EU law in the field of private international law is contained in regulations that will be automatically and directly applicable in Serbia when it becomes a member of the European Union. This is a dilemma whether to adopt the provisions which, in principle, will have to be repealed after the accession. At the same time, there are several benefits of approximating the law before the accession, including accustoming legal practitioners in Serbia to apply solutions similar to those in the EU, and increasing legal certainty by applying similar solutions of private international law in transactions between entities from Serbia and the European Union (regardless of the accession prospects).The author describes and summarizes the current state of regulations in Serbian private international law and analyses the main changes proposed in the draft law of 2014. The article also presents agreements binding Serbia in the field of private international law, including the still binding 1960 Polish-Serbian agreement.
EN
This article is a comparison of current electoral legislation on active and passive suffrage in parliamentary elections in the countries of the former Yugoslavia (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Slovenia). Furthermore, the article verifies two research hypotheses. It was verified whether these countries show significant differences with respect to each other in the aforementioned scope, taking into account the fact that they were recently part of the one legal system. It was also examined whether the regulations implementing the active and passive suffrage in the relevant states can be considered as compatible with the democratic principle of universal suffrage. The analysis of relevant constitutional and statutory provisions allowed answering such questions. Both hypotheses were verified negatively. It turns out that in the states of former Yugoslavia there are significant differences in the scope of realization of active and passive suffrage in parliamentary elections. However, only the electoral provisions of Croatia, Serbia and Slovenia fully comply with the principle of universal suffrage.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł stanowi porównanie aktualnie obowiązujących przepisów wyborczych w zakresie czynnego i biernego prawa wyborczego w wyborach do parlamentu w państwach byłej Jugosławii (Bośni i Hercegowinie, Chorwacji, Czarnogórze, Macedonii Północnej, Serbii oraz Słowenii). Artykuł ponadto weryfikuje dwie hipotezy badawcze. Sprawdzeniu podlegało, czy państwa te wykazują znaczące różnice względem siebie we wskazanym powyżej zakresie, zważywszy na fakt, iż były one do niedawna częścią jednego systemu prawnego. Zbadano również, czy przepisy realizujące czynne i bierne prawo wyborcze w omawianych państwach uznać można za zgodne z demokratyczną zasadą powszechności wyborów. Analiza odpowiednich przepisów konstytucyjnych i ustawowych pozwoliła odpowiedzieć na tak postawione pytania. Obydwie hipotezy zostały zweryfikowane negatywnie. Okazuje się, że w państwach byłej Jugosławii występują istotne różnice w zakresie realizacji czynnego oraz biernego prawa wyborczego w wyborach do parlamentu. Natomiast jedynie przepisy wyborcze Chorwacji, Serbii i Słowenii zgodne są w pełni z zasadą powszechności wyborów.
PL
Zmiany, które nastąpiły w latach 1989–1991, zakończyły dwubiegunowy podział świata i zapoczątkowały nową falę demokratycznych przemian. Na początku lat 90. rozpad Socjalistycznej Federalnej Republiki Jugosławii (SFRJ) przyniósł szereg zmian w regionie. O niektórych z nich zadecydowano w drodze referendum, które wydaje się być niezwykle ważnym narzędziem w procesie przemian demokratycznych w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Artykuł koncentruje się na instytucji referendum ogólnokrajowego w państwach sukcesorach byłej Jugosławii: Bośni i Hercegowinie, Chorwacji, Czarnogórze, Kosowie, Macedonii Północnej, Serbii i Słowenii. Głównym celem artykułu jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie o rolę tego szczególnego narzędzia w tych państwach oraz określenie kierunków dalszego wykorzystania referendum w tej części Europy. Aby zrealizować cel badawczy, w artykule wykorzystano analizę systemową i podejście instytucjonalno-prawne oraz dane statystyczne dotyczące wyników referendów ogólnokrajowych w omawianych państwach.
EN
Changes that have occurred in 1989–1991 ended the bipolar division of the world and commenced a new wave democratic transformation. In the early 1990s, the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) brought a number of changes to the region. Some of the changes were decided via the referendum which seems to be an exceptionally important tool in the process of democratic transformations in CEE. The article focuses on the institution of a nation-wide referendum in successor states of former Yugoslavia: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Serbia, and Slovenia. The main purpose is to provide an answer to the question about the role of this particular tool in these states and define directions for further use of referendum in this part of Europe. To meet its research objective, the article uses systemic analysis and institutional and legal approach, and statistics on results of national referendums in the countries concerned.
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