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The European Dream. The frontier in European History

100%
Gammone M.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2015
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issue 6(37)
55-73
EN
Many European citizens do not have a clear idea about European identity. But a European Dream (in many ways parallel to the American Dream) has raised hopes and offered opportunities for democratic and peaceful development. As F.J. Turner emphasized the importance of the frontier in shaping American character, we can also see the importance of the frontier in shaping the European mindset. In terms of topological mapping, a frontier is often also a war‑front. Outside Europe as well, borders such as the Great Wall of China have defined territory as a defended area. However, boundaries have seen not only war. Many cross‑border regions have in fact seen dialogue, communication, commerce, change, travel, and mutual inspiration. European identity was strengthened and defined through ancient reasoning concerning frontiers. According to Braudel, the Mediterranean cannot be understood independently from what is exterior to it. The first European identity was strengthened and defined on the frontier and the values of Europe are best perceived along its borders. The light shines strongest in the point of its source, but it is more appreciated to the point of its limit, where darkness and brightness compete for space – and even for life. European peripheries may be seen as a problem, yet they are the bastions of Europe and today, like yesterday, they have frequently prevented the institutional collapse of the center of Europe. Sometimes, an institutional breakdown begins at the peripheries and then, like an avalanche, sweeps the center away.
2
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The rebirth of classical Europe. What does it mean to be European?

100%
Sidoti F.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2015
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issue 6(37)
35-54
EN
In these pages I will present the results of a project, launched in 2008 by the European Union, the subject of which were the values of Europe. The idea of a Europe built on knowledge, civility, rule of law, inclusiveness, was in our mind, but we understood that this idea of Europe was conflicting with many other ideas about Europe and its destiny. At the end of our search, we have found that the best Europe is the Europe of the Founding Fathers. In 1946, Winston Churchill advocated European integration precisely to prevent the horrors of two world wars from ever happening again. From the beginning, the EU was linked to the USA. European heritage and American heritage are strictly connected. Many scholars, such as and T.G. Ash and J.G.A. Pocock, underline the point. The rebirth of classical Europe is the rebirth of collaboration, alliance, partnership, mutual friendship, common values. Western declinism is the classic self‑fulfilling prophecy, while, actually, however, what continue to exist are reasons for US strength and European eminence, which can be maximized rather than minimized (for those who care about the stability of the international system). The inventor of dynamite and philanthropist, Alfred Nobel is an icon of European ambivalence on science, which can be used in order to build bombs and in order to build peace. At the annual Nobel Prize Award Ceremony, in the Stockholm City Hall, every 10th December, the classical European spirit is alive and kicking even more each year.
3

Granice państwa (szkic prawnonarodowy)

100%
Antonowicz L.
Roczniki Wydziału Nauk Prawnych i Ekonomicznych KUL
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2012-2013
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vol. 8-9
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issue 1: Prawo
25-37
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie różnych etapów kształtowania się granic państwa polskiego. Dotyczy to następujących okresów historii Polski w XX wieku: powstanie Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej (1918-1923), okres drugiej wojny światowej oraz czas powojenny aż do lat dziewięćdziesiątych.
EN
The aim of the paper is to present various stages in the process of shaping frontiers of the Polish state. the paper addresses the following periods in the 20the century history of Poland: the creation of the Second Republic (1918-1923), the periods of World War II and the post-war reality till 1990s.
4
Content available remote

Colombian-Venezuelan Border Integration: The Utopia of the Táchira State and the Department of Norte de Santander

88%
Barrios Aular N. J., Rivas Pérez N. K.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2013
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issue 2(24): Venezuelan Studies
69-79
EN
The paper discusses the integration process of the Colombian‑Venezuelan frontier in 2005, which included the regions of Táchira and Norte de Santander, as an experience initially made in the legal framework of the Andean Community of Nations (Spanish: Comunidad Andina de Naciones, CAN). Decision 501 facilitates the creation of a border integration zone – BIZ – that would contribute to and strengthen the border development, in an area that has juridical, administrative and functional conducive conditions. For this reason, a Border Integration Zone – BIZ – would help counteract backwardness and make possible a number of joint regional projects that would give support to integration. The study shows a retrospective analysis of binational discussion topics as far as it was possible within the dialogue, and before the obstacles that stopped the way which concluded with the cancellation of the negotiation rounds in 2008. At the same time, it considers the Venezuelan role afterward Colombia had signed the free trade agreement with the US, and the perception of this fact by the border inhabitants of Táchira state. In a reality that the development perspectives, based in markets integration, are not clear inside the Venezuelan geopolitics to become part of the process.
5
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The Unknown European Anthem, or What One Schlager Can Teach Us About Political and Poetic Frontiers Between Cultures

63%
Deyneka E.
humanistica 21
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2017
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vol. 1
299-323
EN
Analyzing the example of a four decades’ phantasmagoric round-the-world peregrination of one German Schlager of 1974 (“Griechischer Wein”, U. Jürgens, M. Kunze), the article aims to explore the phenomenon of inextricable interconnection between language, art and society in the process of cultural development. The study shows how the boundaries of national cultures are fuzzy, as for the peoples whose common historical, territorial or ethnic backgrounds (particularly, in Europe) make them not only to continuously reconsider geopolitical frontiers between their countries, but especially to constantly reshape the representational ones. The role of artistic phenomena, such as songs, is emphasized. On the one hand, the latter ones reflect the process of such a representational revision (for example, related to the problems of migration, as in the case of “Griechischer Wein”). On the other hand, they often become able to convey some ideas and ideologies, thus, producing an important impact over social, and perhaps even national, mentality. At the same time, on another relatively far cultural ground, in absence of similar anthropological preoccupations, these cultural-artistic products operate with a quite different range of values rather common to all mankind than specifically related to the current situation in a particular society.
PL
The Unknown European Anthem, or What one Schlager Can Teach Us About Political and Poetic Frontiers Between Cultures Eweliny Deyneka prowokuje do refleksji nad zjawiskiem fizycznego językowego, kulturowego, artystycznego przekraczania granic, które przeczy politycznym, ideologicznym, geograficznym – a co za tym idzie psychologicznym i socio-antropologicznym zakotwiczeniom. Na przykładzie popularnej melodii „Griechisher Wein”, która odbiła się szerokim echem w wielu krajach europejskich stając się nieomalże europejskim hymnem, wręcz projekcją początkowych marzeń twórców Unii Europejskiej by stworzyć kulturową jedność w jej różnorodności. Autorka argumentuje, że każda kultura potrzebuje, nie zawsze chcianych i oczekiwanych wpływów z zewnątrz po to chociażby, by przemyśleć swoją obecną kondycję i założenia na jakich się opiera.
6
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Polityka USA wobec problemu Odry i Nysy Łużyckiej w poglądach Zbigniewa Brzezińskiego w tatach 60. XX wieku

63%
Siwek K.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2021
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issue 1 (378)
137-155
PL
The objective of this article is to present the political ideas of Zbigniew Brzeziński behind his position on the U.S. policy toward the question of Poland’s western frontier in the 1960s. The main task is focused on the extent of connection between Brzeziński's argument for the final recognition of the Oder- Neisse Line by the United States and his aim to overcome theCold War division of Europe and the problem of national borders. Brzeziński's views on the frontier is worth explaining also in relation to his opinion on Polish-German and Polish- Soviet relations as well as on Polish nationalism and communist ideology. Accordingly, the question of the Oder- Neisse Line is addressed here in the context of Brzeziński's comments on U.S. policies toward the Federal Republic of Germany, the Soviet Union and Europe as a whole. The main sources for the study were Brzeziński's political commentaries, publications and archival material concerning Poland's western border in the 1960s. However, this study extends beyond the purely diplomatic history of the Polish frontier question by combining Brzeziński's views on the Oder-Neisse Line with his internationalist concept of European political-economic relations. As this paper demonstrates, Brzeziński's claim for the formal recognition of the Oder-Neisse Line by the United States in the 1960s developed within the framework of American political, geopolitical and economic designs for Germany, Soviet Union and for Europe as a whole in the context of the Cold War. Although his argument regarding Poland's western border contributed to the desirable increase of U.S. political interest in Poland and Central-Eastern Europe, nonetheless Brzeziński favored a kind of European interdependence of states and "Europeanization of Poland" over the restitution of its full sovereignty based on anti-Soviet nationalism. This peculiar universalist vision of Central-Eastern Europe coupled with socio-economic determinism appear to have profoundly affected Brzezinski's Polish frontier claim based on an assumption that both the Cold War division of Europe and national borders would eventually diminish in political significance as a result of Western recognition.
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