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EN
The future tense and the conditional are said to convey evidential meaning in most Romance languages. Whereas the former expresses conjecture, the latter is used to mark reportativity. However, the evidential readings of both tenses could be a very recent semantic extension at a vernacular level, since they are still frequent to express time and modality in nearly all the vernaculars. This study aims to show the geolinguistic and dialect distribution of both tenses along the 20th century in order to determine whether the future and the conditional were already evidential one hundred years ago or they have become so during the last century. Furthermore, I will also show the likely directionality for these tenses to become evidential and I will discuss whether there is a language that has worked as the focus of the Romance evidentiality. In doing so, I will not only apply the Coserian variables of diatopic and diaphasic restraints, but I will compare the differences among the dialects and the norms that rule all of them, analysing the systemic behaviour that favours the future as well as the conditional for marking evidentiality.
EN
The article presents the clash of two tendencies in Serbian future tense — so-called balkan type construction of the conjunction da and conjugated verb form: ја ću da pišem and slavic, inflection­al construction where the auxiliary verb is transformed into an ending: pisaću. These two forms are often used instead of normative infinitive form: ja ću pisati and this is acontamination of two types of construction — balkan and nonbalkan (slavic).
HR
Članak predstavlja sukob dve tendencije usrpskom budućem vremenu (futur I) – iz jedne strane takozvani balkanski oblik futura izražen sintagmom da + prezent na primer ја ću da pišem, s druge strane „slovenski oblik“ kad nema predhodne reči – enklitika glagola hteti dolazi iza infiniti­va ispaja se s njim: pisaću.Ova dva oblika koristi se umesto normalnog oblika futura s infinitivom: ja ću pisati iovo je kontaminacija balkanskog inebalkanskog (slavenskog) oblika.
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Czas przyszły gnomiczny w języku francuskim

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PL
Celem artykułu jest opis gnomicznego użycia czasu przyszłego futur simple w języku francuskim. Może on wyrażać prawdy ogólne ponadczasowe w przysłowiach, sentencjach, maksymach oraz innych formach wypowiedzi o znaczeniu ogólnym. Autorka porównuje użycia gnomiczne czasu przyszłego i teraźniejszego, a także wskazuje na podobieństwa i różnice między gnomicznym a czasowym (podstawowym) użyciem czasu przyszłego. Przeprowadzona analiza pozwala na stwierdzenie, że użycie gnomiczne różni się od innych szczególnych użyć czasu futur simple.
EN
The present paper focuses on the description of the gnomic uses of the French Future Simple tense (futur simple). It can express common truths in proverbs, sayings, and in other forms of expression of general meaning. The Author compares the gnomic uses of the Future and Present tenses, and points out the similarities and differences that exist between the gnomic and primary uses of the French Future tense. The results of the analysis show that the gnomic use of the French Future Simple tense differs from its other special uses.
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu jest analiza form praesens oraz futurum dokonanego i niedokonanego wyekscerpowanych z tekstu Kroniki Supraskiej – zabytku należącego do I redakcji latopisów białorusko-litewskich. W analizowanym tekście formy czasu teraźniejszego oraz przyszłego I uzyskują liczne poświadczenie. Nie odnotowano natomiast żadnej formy II typu futurum niedokonanego. Często formy 3 os. sg. futurum dokonanego użyte są w funkcji praesens historicum.
EN
The article focuses on the analysis of forms of praesens and futurum perfect and imperfect excerpted from the Supraśl Chronicle, which belongs to the first Belorussian-Lithuanian compilation. In the examined text the forms of present and future I tenses are frequently observed. However, not a single form of futurum imperfect of type II has been found. The forms of third person singular futurum perfect are used as praesens historicum.
EN
This paper presents a phenomenon (almost) thus far unnoticed, namely the use of a periphrastic futurum for the purpose of expressing perfectivity in the future tense of the biaspectual verbs (bude vetovat, bude exkomunikovat, bude rezignovat). This is actually a competition between the perfective present tense (prezident abdikujepf.) and the periphrastic futurum (prezident bude abdikovat). One of the main aims of this text is to explain this phenomenon. The author concludes that: (1) the cause or trigger of the observed phenomenon is the homonymy of the perfective and imperfective present tense, respectively their ambiguity, which may interfere with the smooth course of communication, (2) the purpose is to clearly indicate that it refers to the action in the future, (3) the relatively unambiguous expression of perfectivity by the periphrastic futurum is made possible by the lexical semantics of the respective verbs, their “non-durativity” or “short-term nature”. Other issues dealt with in this study are: (1) the possible undesirable consequences of aspectual homonymy, (2) the ways and means of their elimination, and (3) the causes of the persistence of aspectual homonymy.
EN
The present case study deals with the functions of the Czech verbal prefix po-. Three functions of the prefix are analysed by contrasting the existing theoretical descriptions with corpus data. In its primary, word-formational function, po- modifies the meaning of the base verb (expressing one of the semantic features described as Aktionsart or other meanings; e.g. kreslit ‘to draw’ > pokreslit ‘to cover with drawings’). In its second function, po- derives perfective counterparts from the imperfective verb; here, the prefix is considered to be a grammatical means used for the formation of aspectual pairs of verbs (cf. kárat ‘to admonish.impf’ > pokárat ‘to admonish.pf’). The third function of po- is manifested in the class of determinate verbs; it is a part of the morphological form of these verbs in their (imperfective) future meaning (e.g. běžet ‘to run’ – poběží ‘(he) will run’). A group of verbs suspected of exhibiting similar behaviour as the pure determinate verbs is analysed and attested using the corpus data. Finally, the competition between the prefix po- and several tens of prefixes in Czech verbs is commented upon and the position of the prefixed verbs within word-formation nests is sketched.
Naše řeč (Our Speech)
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2020
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vol. 103
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issue 4
320-336
EN
The paper deals with changes in the Czech aspectual system during the last twenty-five years. The author analyses data acquired from the Czech National Corpus or, more precisely, from subcorpora containing only journalistic texts (the national daily newspapers Hospodářské noviny, Lidové noviny, Mladá fronta DNES and Právo). The corpus-based analysis showed that the frequency of the verb (and its finite forms) has been increasing in journalistic texts and that the statistic relation between imperfective and perfective verbs, as well as the relation between grammatical tenses in Czech, has become more asymmetrical (especially, the frequency of imperfective verbs has been rising). The increase in aspectual asymmetry accentuates the “western” features of the Czech aspectual system in the sense of S. M. Dickey’s (2000) conception. Together with the increasing aspectual asymmetry in Czech, the frequency of bi-aspectual verbs has slightly decreased. The analysis also showed that the frequency of verbs with prefixes (both perfective and imperfective) has decreased in Czech. The author interprets these facts as results of the transmission of certain dynamic (and system-based) features from spoken language to the written language, and he also discusses the typological context of the changes (inferring aspectual meanings from grammatical context as a manifestation of strengthening analyticity in Czech).
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