Search results - CEJSH

1

Geopolitical position analysis of Transcarpathia with emphasis on period between 1918-1939

100%

Istok R., Novakowa S.

Przegląd Geopolityczny

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2014

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vol. 10

7-22

EN

Transcarpathia as a part of the Soviet Union lost its specific position. The Ukraine cultural influence and Rusyn specifics were in favour in the county, but they were pressed back. After the release of the totalitarian regime in the Soviet Union at the turn of the 80s and 90s there was an activation of several political groups,requiring the change of the area status. The initiative for the dissolution of a contract about the connection to the Soviet Union came into existence. The other group supported Transcarpathia's taking control over the Ukraine´s autonomy of the area. In December 1991, the referendum took place on the territory of Transcarpathia. A majority of voters expressed for reinforcement of the local autonomy. Part of the participants voted for separation from the Soviet Union (members of the Hungarian minority, respectively Rusyn Revival supporters).

2

Military Implications of the Russian Federation’s Politics of Expansion

80%

Bodziany M., Ściborek Z.

Historia i Polityka

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2019

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issue 30 (37)

9-23

EN

The achieved status of coexistence has not been accepted by all states. Russia cannot accept the fact that it has sustained substantial losses, especially in the global dimension, after the collapse of the USSR. Vladimir Putin’s team has been striving to rebuild the power of their country. Russian society, which is accustomed to sacrifices for its homeland, is actively involved in the activities undertaken. Much effort is put into the development of the armaments sector. The structures, command and mobilization condition of the Armed Forces are improved. The Russian Armed Forces is modernized and the percentage of modern equipment is constantly increasing. The Armed Forces of the RF are preparing for any possible armed conflict. Various types of exercise are being performed and frequently maneuvers are carried out in close proximity to the borders of NATO member states. However, it must be hoped that Russia’s leadership remains in the sphere of ‘dreams of power’, though the analysis of question marks emerging in the East should be a kind of basis for conclusions.

3

Tęsknota za imperium w najnowszej fantastyce rosyjskiej

80%

Polak A.

Studia Rossica Posnaniensia

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2019

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vol. 44

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issue 1

83-100

PL

The article describes a group of texts that make up the so-called imperial fantasy genre. The author points out the sources of fascination with the imperial idea as well as discusses the scenarios created by the fantasists to regain the status of the empire by Russia. A separate aspect is the ability to read the imperial fantasy with the use of conceptual tools developed on the basis of the postcolonial theory. The influence of neo-Eurasian concepts on the reality created by the writers of the imperial fantasy is also discussed.

4

Armed Forces as a Geopolitics Instrument from a Historical and Contemporary Perspective

80%

Ziętarski M.

Security Dimensions: International & National Studies

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2020

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vol. 34(34)

145-156

EN

Geography can restrain states, or create possibilities to the political activity that states carry out. Following Carl von Clausewitz, one can point to the relation between politics and war. The famous Prussian general claimed that war is an extension of politics made by means of the armed forces. Questions should therefore be posed how geography restrains or stregthens the activity of the armed forces, and how geopolitics determines the functioning of the military. The following article shows the abovementioned imperative in the historical as well as contemporary context. The aim of the study is to place the armed forces in the geopolitical framework and to show the cause-and-effect relationship between the operations of the armed forces and geopolitics. The research is carried out on the time axis: the time analysis is divided into the period of the Second World War, the Cold War and the post-Cold War period.

5

The EU engagement in democracy promotion in post-Soviet Central Asia: the case study of the Kyrgyz Republic – prospects and challenges

80%

Kainazarov B.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2018

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issue 3

27-40

EN

When Soviet Union collapsed, there were different hypothesis regarding democratic reforms and political system changes in Kyrgyzstan. It was believed that Kyrgyzstan would develop its independent policy and democratic governance. Since early 1990s European countries through OSCE, and later through the EU launched development projects have been playing central role in democracy promotion and civil society development in Central Asia. At the same time, as analysis show geopolitical interests of neighboring powerful states such as Russia and China increased in the region, which resulted the creation of regional institutions such as Shanhai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Collective Security Organization (CSO), Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and Silk Road Belt Initiative (SRBI). While being the fully-fledged member of China and Russia led regional institutions, Kyrgyzstan is under heavy political and economic influence. Besides, human rights situation in Kyrgyzstan like in other Central Asian countries has been deteriorating for last few years. Thus, the research paper focuses on interplay between Russia and China for geopolitical dominance in the region, including how it negatively influences for political volatility, civil society suppression and deterioration of human rights issues. Paper equally analyzes European countries engagement in human rights and democracy promotion in Kyrgyzstan. The research considers important to analyze the EU strategy in democratic reforms in Central Asia and to investigate why it matters for the EU.

6

Geopolitics of Natural Gas Supply in Europe - Poland Between the EU and Russia

80%

Szul R., Centre for European Regional and Local Studies U. o. W.

European Spatial Research and Policy

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2011

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vol. 18

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issue 2

EN

The article analyses possible interests, attitudes and activities of the major actors in the ‘natural gas supply game’ in Europe after 1990: Russia/Gazprom, alternative suppliers like countries in the Caspian Sea area, the main consumers of gas and transit countries. It stresses that behaviour of the actors depends on the changing international political and economic situation and conditions in individual countries. Special attention is paid to pipeline projects: Nord Stream, South Stream and Nabucco, and reactions to them, such as building a LGN terminal at Świnoujście (Poland), North-South (Baltic-Adriatic) energy corridor and the Polish-Russian gas contract of 2010.

7

Europa Środkowa w geopolityce zjednoczonych Niemiec. Wybrane aspekty

80%

Kozerski M.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2017

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issue 11

109-122

EN

The unification resulted in a fundamental change in the geopolitical position of Germany. The Federal Republic has become the largest country in the EU in terms of population (82,8 million in 2017) and due to its total land area (over 357 thousand km²) it ranks number 14 in the list of countries by area. After the unification, the number of countries neighbouring Germany has increased (9), which makes Germany more focused on the development of bilateral relations in its immediate neighbourhood. Germany has become the main beneficiary of the conflict settlement between the East and West, since it is not exposed to the nuclear attack by the hostile power and its allies (the USSR, the Eastern block) yet. To its own benefit, the FRG has lost the status of a border state, as its border does not separate NATO from the Warsaw Pact. It does not separate the EEC from the COMECON either. Germany ceased to be a „training ground” of the cold war. After the Eastern enlargement in 2004 the country ceased to be the border state of the European Union. Furthermore, Germany was able to get unified and to become a sovereign state equal to other European countries in terms of its status. The FRG is not perceived as a revisionist state that denies post-war borders. Post-unification Germany is considered to be a predictable and credible state. Moreover, the country is an active member of alliances and international organizations. After the reunification, the Federal Republic had to redefine its position and role internationally. It has defined itself as a state in the centre of the continent and a bridge between the European East and West. Since 1990 Central Europe, most often identified with the post-communist states situated between Germany and Russia, has become an important point of reference for Germany and direction of pursuing its influence. After the unification Germany declared this region to be the zone of its influence and vital interests. The main goal of Bonn was to make the region stable by supporting the system transformation process and admitting the Visegrad Group member states to NATO and the European Union in the long term. There was a fear that if Germany’s eastern neighbours were not given a real prospect of membership in the Western integration structures they could become a seedbed of unrest and destabilisation. It was assumed that such threats could make an impact on Germany and adversely affect its internal situation. The main motive of the FRG in assuming the role of an advocate of the Central-European states on their way to accession to western alliances was to ensure stabilisation close to its (German) borders. By taking system transformation and accession to the EU and NATO under its patronage, Germany acquired a dominant position in the central part of Europe and thus made countries of the region dependent on it (mostly economically). A number of facts, including immigration crisis and its consequences, opposition of the Visegrad Group countries to the enforced relocation of refugees, the rise of Eurosceptic and anti-German sentiment in these countries, have resulted in a considerable tension in relations between Germany and the Visegrad Group states. Such state of affairs makes the Federal Republic of Germany gradually „turn its back” on the „renegade” Central Europe. A country of the European centre, whose interests were to be east-oriented after the unification, has been heading westward recently. Germany’s approval of the „multi-speed” concept in the EU as well as its endorsement for closer integration based on the euro zone seem to prove that statement.

8

Sport e politica nelle relazioni internazionali dell'Europa centro-orientale

80%

Bielański S.

Security Dimensions: International & National Studies

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2014

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vol. 11(11)

202-208

EN

Article discusses three basic issues: 1. Relationship between Sport and Politics during “the Cold War”; 2. Sport and Politics in Central and Eastern Europe during the fall of Soviet communism; 3. Sport and Politics in the context of changes in International Relations at the beginning of the XXIst century. During the „Cold War” – what has meant Soviet domination over Central and Eastern Europe – the sport was regarded by the communist regimes as an important factor of politics therefore its role was ambivalent: on the one hand it was a key element of propaganda, on the other one, it became a “niche of freedom” and resistance against totalitarian regimes in Eastern Europe. Ironically, after 1989, sport in this part of Europe has become a “victim” of socio-political transformation, in particular, such statement refers both to the professional sport as well as to the issue of mass sport. The situation has changed as a result of European Union's enlargement in 2004, and emergence of a new market that was ready to perform the tasks related to the organization of major sporting events. In this context – not only socio-economic but also geopolitical one – we should understand why Poland and Ukraine organized UEFA European Football Championship in 2012. It should be also recognized that the sport – as result of activities of organizations such as the IOC, FIFA, UEFA – has reached a significant role in the overall International Relations in Europe and the world.

9

GEOPOLITICAL IDEAS AND ENERGY SECURITY OF CENTRALEASTERN EUROPE

80%

Łysek W.

Ante Portas – Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem

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2017

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vol. 2(9) Security Issues in Sub-Saharan Africa

215-227

EN

The paper addresses the issue of geopolitical ideas in term of energy security in the area Central and East Europe in the early 21st century. Main point of academic paper focuses on geopolitical dimension of “Nord Stream” and the chance of success of “Energy Intermarium” conception. Hence a considerable part of paper applies to the historical ideas and their influence on independence of states in Central Europe (“Intermarium” idea), especially in the face threat of cooperation between Germany and Russia.

10

Poland's Reason of State in the Creation of a New International Order. Foreign Policy as Poland's Reason of State in the 21st Century

80%

Lewandowski P.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2021

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issue 3 (50)

133-147

EN

The article analyzes the Polish reason of state in changing international order understood as the loss of hegemon position by the United States. The author defines the reason of state as an analytical operant and relates it to the security and sovereignty of a state in the international environment. The text also outlines possibilities of development of Poland's reason of state in the region and global geopolitics.

11

Biały Orze ł i Złota Chryzantema Współpraca polsko‑japońska: mit , możliwość czy konieczność dziejowa? – wybrane aspekty

80%

Baziur G.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

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issue 46

307-327

EN

This article deals with the historical and contemporary Polish‑Japanese relations in various aspects of cooperation: political, military, economic and cultural types. Author discusses the traditions of Polish‑Japanese military cooperation since the Russo‑Japanese War to 1944 year, which is important in the context of the fact that during the Second World War, Poland and Japan fought on the opposite side. Despite this, two countries work together, as a common opponent was the Stalinist Soviet Union. In the following section discusses the renewal of the Polish‑Japanese relations after 1957 and their development, including the attitude of the Japanese authorities to “Solidarity” movement in 1980‑1981 to Polish‑Japanese relations after 1989. The author ends the with text summary and an attempt to outlook mutual the cooperation both countries.

12

Conflicting Narratives? Geopolitical and Normative Power Narratives in the EU Eastern Partnership

80%

Crombois J. F.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

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issue 49

109-125

EN

Since its inception, the EU’s Eastern Partnership has given rise to two seemingly conflicting narratives. The first one, the normative power narrative emphasizes the use of norms expansion as the main objectives of the European Union vis‑à‑vis its Eastern Partners. The second narrative, i.e. the geopolitical one, emphasizes the need for the EU to develop a geopolitical orientation in its relations with its Eastern neighbours based on interests rather than values. This paper will look at these two narratives, how they originated and how they developed in the EU discourses related to the making of EU foreign policy and more particularly as far as the EU’s Eastern Partnership is concerned.

13

Outcomes of Aswan: Archaeology and The Geopolitics of Dams

80%

Bitar N., Leblanc T.

Prague Papers on the History of International Relations

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2020

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issue 2

43-61

EN

Answering a call for help from the Governments of Arab Republic of Egypt and Democratic Republic of Sudan, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) lead the International Campaign to Save the Monuments of Nubia (1959–1968). Involving more than 100 countries, the campaign consisted in a wide range of archaeological missions along with financial aid aiming to preserve and safeguard the cultural heritage threatened by the construction of the Aswan High Dam, built on the Nile River throughout the 1960s. The location chosen for the hydropower plant’s reservoir intersected the heartland of an extensive heritage belonging to both Nubian and Egyptian millenary civilizations implying the flood of several archeological sites and monuments of undeniable cultural and historical significance. This last chance to save the relics mobilized several scholars and countries that today exhibit their findings in their most prestigious museums. Entire monuments were dismantled and placed away from the inundations but still in the region, while others were moved to other countries as counterpart gifts on behalf of the Egyptian government. Under one specific angle, this article contests the well-established account that the international campaign was a success. The Nubian Campaign ends up normalizing a quite modern social phenomenon: to dam major rivers in name of national development. We then raise several aspects crossing the disciplines of archeology history and geopolitics as an exercise of counterweight to the official reports.

14

Rising Myanmar: US involvement, power rivalry and new hopes for Bangladesh

80%

Alam I.

Croatian International Relations Review

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2013

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vol. 19

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issue 68

1-21

EN

President Obama’s symbolic and landmark visit to Myanmar bolsters the U.S. policy shift in Asia; an extremely significant step to firm up his Asia-Pacific policy, often described as a “pivot” to the region. Analysts have termed this visit a perfect fit in the larger geopolitical chess game by the Obama administration, which has sought to counter rising Chinese assertiveness by engaging its neighbours. With the transfer of power from an authoritarian government to a civilian one in March 2011, Myanmar embarked on a slow political liberalization. As Myanmar emerges from decades of isolation it generates much hope for the global and regional communities. Being the only other neighbour of Bangladesh besides India, Myanmar can usher new hope and possibilities for Bangladesh since both countries have outstanding issues. This article briefly tries to assess the underlying setting of the U.S. policy shift in greater Southeast Asia and particularly in Myanmar, the significance of this visit, how the other contenders of influence eye this increasing U.S. involvement, and finally the benefits it may yield for its neighbours, especially Bangladesh.

15

Polish and German Visions on the Future of the North Atlantic Alliance

80%

Malinowski K.

Reality of Politics

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2014

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issue 5

20-34

EN

The transformations of the North Atlantic Alliance in the wake of the 9/11 attacks and its mission in Afghanistan have proceeded hand in hand with the redefining of security interests in individual member states. Poland and Germany have also been affected by a polarization of views, particularly on the nature, place and role of NATO in today’s world. The countries’ geopolitics and their varying visions of European security have significantly affected their positions.

16

Geopolitics, Political Topology and Hybrid Warfare

80%

Szałek B. Z.

Reality of Politics

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2015

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issue 6

86-97

EN

This paper deals with the concept of political topology in the light of geopolitics and hybrid warfare. Traditional geopolitics can be regarded as a point of departure for the search for better tools for political decision making. Comparison and confrontation of different, theoretical and practical, concepts of hybrid warfare can be heuristically inspiring and lead to a compact system of politically relevant knowledge – to political topology.

17

Geopolityka w cieniu swastyki

80%

Król E. C.

Studia Maritima

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2016

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vol. 29

141-167

EN

The author, using source materials and the literature in many languages, has assumed that in order to find the genesis of the Nazi interpretation of geopolitics it is necessary to have a look at the works written by the creators of that discipline, i.e. first of all German Friedrich Ratzel (1844–1904) and Swede Rudolf Kjellén (1864–1922). It is thanks to them that the terms – inter alia – Lebensraum (living space) and Raumsinn (sense of space) were included in the Nazi vocabulary. What later became important components of the Nazi geopolitics were: Mitteleuropa (Central Europe), Grossraumwirtschaft (big area economy) and Grossraumordnung (big area order). An important contribution was made by Karl Haushofer (1869–1946), who was in direct contact with Rudolf Hess, one of the closest associates of Adolf Hitler. The further deliberations imply that the Nazi concept of geopolitics, the main threads of which had already been included in the text of ‘Mein Kampf’, kept expanding by new slogans, becoming eclectic, and adapting to the changing situation, inside and outside Germany. The priority was still the specific doctrine of autarky, since 1936 subordinated to the preparations for war. After the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 there appeared a programme including racial, ethnic and territorial transformations on a grand scale, inseparable from the programme of the ‘final solution’ (Endlösung), which led to extermination of the Jewish and Gypsy populations. Speaking more generally, if the war had been won, the Nazi programme of geopolitics would have led to the extermination of the Slavs (Generalplan Ost) and a final reconstruction of the European order, marked by genocide, ruthless economic exploitation and the unbridled dominance of the Germanic masters’ race (Herrenrasse).

PL

Autor, wykorzystując materiały źródłowe i wielojęzyczną literaturę przedmiotu, wyszedł z założenia, że aby znaleźć genezę narodowosocjalistycznej interpretacji geopolityki, należy sięgnąć do dorobku protoplastów tej gałęzi wiedzy, a więc przed wszystkim Niemca Friedricha Ratzla (1844–1904) i Szweda Rudolfa Kjelléna (1864–1922). To za sprawą tych badaczy do wokabularza narodowych socjalistów trafiło między innymi takie pojęcia, jak „przestrzeń życiowa” (Lebensraum) i „poczucie przestrzeni” (Raumsinn). Istotnymi komponentami nazistowskiej geopolityki stały się też z biegiem czasu: „Europa Środkowa” (Mitteleuropa), „gospodarka wielkiego obszaru” (Grossraumwirtschaft) i „ład wielkiego obszaru (Grossraumordnung). Ważne uzupełnienia wniósł też Karl Haushofer (1869–1946), utrzymujący ożywione kontakty z Rudolfem Hessem, jednym z najbliższych współpracowników Adolfa Hitlera. Z dalszych rozważań autora wynika, że narodowosocjalistyczna koncepcja geopolityki, której podstawowe wątki znalazły się już w tekście Mein Kampf, powiększała się o coraz to nowe hasła, stanowiąc twór eklektyczny, dostosowywany do zmieniającej się sytuacji wewnętrznej i międzynarodowej Niemiec. Priorytetem pozostawała specyficzna doktryna autarkii, od 1936 roku podporządkowana przygotowaniom wojennym. Po wybuchu drugiej wojny światowej w 1939 roku pojawił się program uwzględniająca przemiany rasowe i etniczno-terytorialne na wielką skalę, z nieodłącznym programem „ostatecznego rozwiązania” (Endlösung), który prowadził do wyniszczenia ludności żydowskiej i romskiej. W dalszej perspektywie, w razie zwycięskiego zakończenia wojny, program nazistowskiej geopolityki miał przynieść zagładę Słowian (Generalplan Ost) i ostateczną przebudowę porządku europejskiego, naznaczonego stygmatem ludobójstwa, bezwzględnej eksploatacji ekonomicznej i niczym nieograniczonej dominacji germańskiej „rasy panów” (Herrenrasse).

18

Koncepcje geopolityczne obozu narodowego w latach II wojny światowej

80%

Grott B.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2017

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issue 11

173-191

PL

The Second World War and the anticipated victory over the Third Reich, together with the significant weakening of the USSR, became in Poland the reason for developing various new geopolitical concepts and plans for reshaping Poland’s previous borders. The menace of a new aggression from both of Poland’s powerful neighbours in the process to rebuild their previous positions of power brought forward the idea of a federation of middle-Eastern Europe countries (the so-called „Intermarium”) and a future creation of a sufficient barrier against possible aggressors. In Poland these issues were broadly discussed by the nationalistic fractions such as the National Party, the Confederation of the Nation, the Szaniec Group and the „Fatherland” Organisation. The latter two were especially productive in this area. There was a general agreement in the nationalist movement regarding the necessity to move Poland’s borders to the lower Oder and the Lusatian Neisse. Some concepts reached even further, planning the creation of a Lusatian Coutry or indeed the reslavisation of Mecklenburg. Especially active in this regard was Professor Karol Stojanowski, the leader of the People’s National Military Organisation and the author of brochures propagating ideas such as „The West Slavic Country” and „The Reslavisation of Eastern Germany”. A very interesting concept of the „Great Nation” was presented by an endecian ideologist Adam Doboszyński in a brochure of the same title, in which Doboszyński propagated not only the federation of the „Intermarium” countries, but also predicted a gradual merging of these nations into a single „Great Nation” and even the eventual development of a common language.

19

Recent U.S. and International Assessment of Baltic Security Developments

80%

Chapman B.

Security and Defence Quarterly

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2019

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vol. 26

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issue 4

3-33

EN

Objectives Examining analysis of Baltic security developments from U.S. government and military resources, scholarly journal articles, and multinational public policy research institute assessments. Methods Analyzing content and rhetoric within these resources to learn how those producing these materials view Baltic security developments and their viewpoints on how the U.S. and its allies should respond to these developments focusing on increasing Russian regional assertiveness. Results Provides interpretations of Baltic security developments, Russian Baltic policy, and U.S. and NATO responses ot these developments in materials produced by U.S. civilian and military policymakers and multinational scholarly analysis. Includes performance assessments of U.S. programs including the European Deterrence Initiative and potential Russian military activity in the Baltics as reflected in varying reports by the U.S. Government, military, and multinational public policy research institutions. Conclusions Recommends U.S. and NATO countries recognize a new Cold War exists with a revisionist Russia. Advocates continuing NATO military exercise, upgrading civilian and military infrastructure protection, and enhancing U.S. and allied preparedness. Urges ongoing and candid dialogue between NATO and Russia to keep this situation from erupting into war. Insists the U.S. and its allies adroitly respond to Russian attempts to influence and manipulate public opinion toward Moscow. Expresses concern that U.S. partisan division over 2016 Russian interference in U.S. presidential election makes achieving greater Baltic policy cohesion difficult. Advocates warning Russia of devastating consequences of attempts to militarily invade or subvert Baltic countries.

20

A draft for the theory of affiliation with Middle Europe as an example

80%

Szczerski K.

Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations

|

2015

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vol. 2

|

issue 1

58-62

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