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EN
A comparative analysis of geopolitical projects, objectives and instruments of “soft” and “hard” power of the European Union and Russia in Eastern Europe was made. The article argues that Moscow implements an active policy to hold Eastern Europe within its own sphere of influence, while the EU continues to pursue technocratic strategy towards the region’s states, based upon their gradual political and economic alignment with the EU without aspirations for the accession. The main “weak link” of the EU strategy is that EU, unlike Russia, follows more technocratic/bureaucratic approach and gives less attention to the political dimension. Furthermore, the EU wills less to provide benefits, privileges or use coercion, than Russia. Implementing the European Neighbourhood Policy / Eastern Partnership, the EU does not take into account the alternative bias in the region and the “pain points” that make the Eastern European countries open to Russian influence. Thus Russia still possesses considerable “soft” and “hard” levers that limit the EU impact on the transformation processes in the region’s countries. The historical and cultural proximity of Eastern European countries and Russia, the large Russian minorities in those states, Russian language, post-Soviet nostalgia, the Russian Orthodox Church, the interests of the political and business elite (Russia’s ”soft power”) and energy wars, economic blockades, existence of demarcated borders and the presence of Russian military bases (Russia’s “hard power”) in the EU’s Eastern neighbourhood do not only ensure the safety of Russian influence in the region, but also create problems for European security. That is why the European Union is directly interested in minimising the Russian influence on Eastern Europe. The author believes that helping them to “increase” their independence and to realise vital internal reforms will be the best way.
EN
During the period of independence, Kazakhstan has undergone a transformation from the Soviet-parliamentary to the presidential model of the Republic with elements of the monarchy (a certain Asian Sultanate). The geopolitical position and environment of Kazakhstan influenced the institutionalization of strong presidential power in exchange for “political stability” not only within the country but also in the Central Asian region. In Kazakhstan, the role of a leading political institution is played by the President. Today, the country’s key political decision-making is confined to the head of state. The lack of real separation of powers, political pluralism, low level of political and party culture during the transition of power from the current permanent President of Kazakhstan to the new head of state contains political and constitutional risks. Kazakhstan is looking for a legal model of conflict-free transition of power from the first President of Kazakhstan to the next. The adoption of The law “on the Security Council” is an attempt to “integrate” another state body into the constitutional system of power, which should complement the system of checks and balances, as well as become a “safety cushion” during the transit of power.
EN
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia neglected relations with the republics in Central Asia for a few. In the second half of the nineties, the Kremlin attempted to maintain political and economic domination in the region. The challenge for Russia was the emergence of Chinese and American competition in Central Asia. Moscow failed to stop China’s economic expansion. However, the Chinese recognized Russia’s dominant role in the sphere of politics and security in the region. The American presence in the region by Moscow is treated as a threat to security. The Kremlin was alarmed both by American investment projects related to the transmission of oil and gas, and political projects carried out under the slogans of spreading democracy.
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