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Anaforická funkce výrazu ten v gramatikalizační perspektivě

100%
Zíková M.
Studie z aplikované lingvistiky - Studies in Applied Linguistics
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2018
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vol. 9
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issue Special Issue 2018
106-123
EN
In the paper, the anaphoric use of the demonstrative ten in spoken narrative discourse is examined. Two questions are of main concern to the study: (i) frequency and contextual distribution of the demonstrative, and (ii) grammaticalization potential of the demonstrative in anaphoric function. Concerning (i), all nominal phrases containing the demonstrative ten (determined NPs; 230 in total) are contrasted with their non-determined lexical counterparts, i.e. those not containing the demonstrative (bare NPs; 400 in total). Each item is then inspected in terms of a set of linguistic parameters. It turns out that determined NPs dominate over the bared NPs in the data — speakers use them in more than 60 % of repeated mentions. The most decisive factors are animacy of the referent and sentence perspective (theme — rheme structure). In this way, two functions are identified in the anaphoric use: (i) contextualizing, and (ii) strongly demonstrative, none of which seems to be a plausible source of potential grammaticalization of the demonstrative into a definite article.
2
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Paradigma budoucího času ve španělštině — tři různé pohledy na problematiku distribuce budoucího času jednoduchého a opisného ve španělštině

80%
Novotná I.
Časopis pro moderní filologii (Journal for Modern Philology)
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2016
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vol. 98
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issue 1
104-109
EN
The article focuses on the synthetic future (FS: “hablaré”) and the analytic future (FA: “voy a hablar”). It presents three perspectives on the use and the distribution of these two forms based on existing studies. The first perspective is represented by studies which focus on linguistic factors and explain the rise in frequency of the analytic future as a result of the grammaticalization of ir a + infinitive. The second perspective assumes that the FS and the FA are used in different semantic-pragmatic contexts and the third perspective points to different situational meanings of the FA and the FS.
3
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K otázce tzv. akuzativního se v češtině: pohled (nejen) diachronní

80%
Pergler J.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2016
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vol. 77
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issue 2
102-122
EN
This article deals with the Czech reflexive form se and its categorization from both diachronic and synchronic perspectives. It is argued that in Old Czech, the reflexive was clearly a pronoun because it could be used in a number of contexts that are indicative of its having a syntactic function, e.g. in the context of coordination. Since then, however, the reflexive se has been gradually losing its pronominal nature, being replaced in pronominal contexts by the (originally genitive) form sebe. This process has not been completed yet, hence in contemporary Czech, the reflexive has both pronominal features and features of a morpheme/particle. It thus cannot be discretely categorized; such a categorization would be an inadequate oversimplification because it would necessarily ignore some of the features of the reflexive. Therefore, instead of asking whether the form se is a pronoun or a morpheme/particle in contemporary Czech, I try to answer the question of what pronominal and what non-pronominal features it has.
4
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Definite associative anaphora in informal spoken Czech: a corpus-based study

80%
Dvořák J.
Naše řeč (Our Speech)
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2023
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vol. 106
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issue 2
87-109
EN
The present study, couched within the framework of Löbner’s Concept Types and Determination theory (CTD) and relying both on corpus data and the questionnaire method, attempts to provide some evidence for the claim that there is a growing tendency in contemporary informal spoken Czech to use the emerging definite article ten with definite associative anaphora (DAA). Just like its Western Slavic cognates, the distance-neutral demonstrative ten appears to manifest characteristics typical of definite articles across languages (cf. Ortmann, 2014; Czardybon, 2017; Dvořák, 2020). One of these characteristics is the spreading of ten to contexts situated between pragmatic and semantic definiteness on Löbner’s definiteness scale (Löbner, 1985; 2011). DAA is part of these contexts. However, as the present study shows, marked differences exist between the three sub-types of DAA as defined by Löbner with regards to their willingness to accept ten. These are, respectively, the “part-whole,” the “relational” and the “situational” sub-type. Other factors must also be taken into account, such as the speaker’s emotional involvement and competing interpretations of the occurrence of ten.
5
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K užívání recipročního výrazu jeden - druhý v současné češtině

71%
Pergler J.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2024
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vol. 85
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issue 1
3-26
EN
The article deals with the use of the reciprocal marker jeden – druhý in contemporary Czech. As I show in the introductory section, although bipartite quantifiers of this type are quite common means of expressing reciprocity across languages, the situation in Czech has not been devoted much attention so far. I thus analyze 1000 randomly selected attestations of the expression jeden – druhý from the SYN2020 corpus, focusing on both their semantic and formal features, including reciprocal/non-reciprocal meaning, type of reciprocity, preposition and case marking of the expression druhý, type of syntactic subject, complexity of the phrase containing jeden/druhý and linearization preferences; correlations between these features are also pointed out. Based on the results of the analysis, I then give a description of five different types of contexts in which jeden – druhý is used and I argue that these structural types can be thought of as successive stages of a grammaticalization process leading to the emergence of reciprocal uses and their gradual spread to new types of contexts; this process includes typical features of grammaticalization such as the decrease in semantic compositionality and morphosyntactic transparency.
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