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EN
Group narratives transmit the knowledge of group history. In addition to their role in mediating facts about the history of a nation, they also define ways of thinking about events through the way they represent these events. Mental states appearing in narratives are subtle means of mediating group identity. In our study, we analysed the identity-construction and identity-transmitting function of narrative perspective in history textbooks published between 1900 and 2007. Distribution of linguistic mental states between groups was studied in two historical events (Absolutism, Trianon Peace Treaty). Our results were also studied in terms of historical canons known in history science and myths.
EN
The approach of the French school investigating places of memory is tested in different areas, including: traces in the landscape, artistic tradition, reuse of building materials and structures, funeral rites and expressions of group identity in various domains in antiquity, thereby offering the possibility of collaboration between historians and archaeologists.
EN
Successfully joining a new workplace community is demanding, especially when this involves crossing national boundaries in addition to team boundaries. For outsiders, humour is an area that arguably presents a challenge to full participation, particularly when local understandings are not shared, nor even recognized as distinctive. Newcomers face the challenge of navigating the trajectory from legitimate peripheral member towards core status (adopting the terms of the Community of Practice model). This involves cooperating with others in interaction, including engaging with humour and laughter as a way of indicating belonging. Here belonging is operationalized using the two dimensions proposed by Antonsich (2010), namely (1) a sense of belonging and (2) the politics of belonging as evidenced through negotiation with others. Applying an Interactional Sociolinguistic approach, I offer analysis of naturally occurring workplace interactions and reflections from skilled migrant interns in New Zealand workplaces. I discuss the place of laughter in attempts to demonstrate team membership, arguing that these attempts at belonging require the cooperation and endorsement of insiders. The findings indicate that, however benevolently intentioned, the local colleagues’ use of humour, and their reactions to the humour and laughter produced by the skilled migrant interns, often results in a sense of othering and exclusion. This is keenly felt by the interns who note the difficulties that taken for granted practices create in their acceptance and progress. In many cases the result is laughing along, as an outward signal of fit, rather than laughing with which suggests a deeper sense of belonging. 
EN
This paper explores the social structures of late medieval Vlachs – particularly the ones inhabiting the Western Balkans (the Dinaric Alps) – in order to determine how collective identities were shaped and reproduced in medieval oral cultures. Southeast European historiographies have often portrayed the Balkan Vlachs as a unitary group and the label „Vlach” as representing a single, homogenous social entity during most of the Middle Ages. Still, social groups cannot exist and function without regular communication – oral or written – between their members. Oral cultures are based on verbal communication and are therefore bound by its specific nature, given that it requires continuous personal contact and oral transfer of information for communication and society to function properly. Literate cultures on the other hand tend to rely on written communication to a considerable extent and given that it allows for information to be conveyed impersonally (by text) its range is (at least in theory) almost limitless – as it is the level of (il)literacy that represents the main communicative and social limit in literate societies. Having in mind the abovementioned communicative and social limits of orality and the fact that it was the predominant if not exclusive form of communication among transhumant pastoralists such as the medieval Balkan Vlachs this paper argues that the range/scope of their group identities and collective identifications was rather limited. Furthermore, this paper discusses the types of collective identities utilized by Vlachs, questioning whether they ever shared a common „Vlach identity” given the fact that the social identity of the medieval people known as „the Vlachs” was primarily shaped and defined from the „outside” and „above” – by state intervention and a legal frame that was forced upon them. The Vlachs in the Medieval Balkans, and particularly in its western part, generally did not possess political authority and power, nor did they have the material resources and literary traditions allowing them to form more complex and enduring communication networks that would in turn have resulted in group identity formation on a larger scale. During the Early Middle Ages the Vlachs were „Vlachs” primarily because they were labelled as such and considered to be a distinct category of population by their Slavic (and later Byzantine) neighbours and overlords, and not necessarily because they originally defined themselves as such. This is not to say that gradually, during the course of the Middle Ages, the bearers of the „Vlach” name could not have started to identify themselves as „Vlachs” by accepting this foreign name (xenonym) as their preferred group name (autonym). Still, when this finally did happen it did not imply a „universal” Vlach identity in the medieval Balkans. Given the communicative limits of oral cultures as well as the Vlachs’ position as legal and political „objects” rather than „subjects” it seems most likely that the medieval Balkans witnessed a simultaneous existence of a multitude of „Vlachnesses” which were usually unrelated and unaware of each other.
PL
Staroobrzędowcy, którzy przybywali na ziemie polskie już od II poł. XVII w., stanowili mniejszość etniczną, wyznaniową, kulturową i językową. Do II wojny światowej żyli w hermetycznych grupach, celowo izolując się od polskiego otoczenia. Mieszkali oni w homogenicznych wspólnotach wiejskich, dzięki czemu udało im się zachować własną wiarę, kulturę i język. Później jednak stopniowo zaczęli otwierać się na świat zewnętrzny. Wraz ze zmianami cywilizacyjnymi, społecznymi i demograficznymi stopniowym zmianom ulegał tryb życia starowierców, ich kultura, stosunek do religii, do swojej grupy, jej wartości, jak również stosunek do własnej odrębności. W swoich wypowiedziach starowiercy regionu suwalsko-augustowskiego (przede wszystkim przedstawiciele starszego pokolenia) często porównują przeszłość z teraźniejszością, mówiąc o zmianach, jakie się dokonały w ich życiu codziennym, światopoglądzie, systemie wartości i stosunku do własnej odrębności. W analizowanych wypowiedziach można zaobserwować pozytywne wartościowanie przeszłości, negatywną ocenę teraźniejszego stanu rzeczy oraz obawę o przyszłość wspólnoty czy wręcz przekonanie o jej schyłku.
EN
The Russian Orthodox Old Believers who now live in the Suwałki–Augustów region are descendants of Russians who refused to adopt the mid-17th century church reforms as promoted by Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich Romanov and implemented by Patriarch Nikon of Moscow. Old Believers in Poland are an example of ethnic, religious, cultural and linguistic minority. They lived in homogeneous village communities and they managed to maintain their religion, traditions and language through ages. In the last period one can observe many modifi cations in Old Believers’ way of life, in their culture and traditions. Old Believers’ who live in the Suwałki–Augustów region often compare the present with the past and they tell about changes that have come about in their way of life, their worldview and their attitude to their own uniqueness. They characterise the past positively and describe the present negatively.
PL
Autor omawia niektóre konkretne sposoby prezentowania „tożsamości ludowych” w pracach etnograficznych w terenu północnej Dalmacji. Pochodzą one z końca XIX w. i osadzone są w kontekście wczesnych badań etnograficznych Słowian Południowych. Prace te wyrastały z programów akademickich, których celem było stworzenie opisów opartych na standardowych i szczegółowych ankietach. Przyjmując perspektywę pragmatyczną analizy dyskursu, autor omawia wiele fragmentów prac, wskazując na te ich aspekty, które mają znaczenie w tworzeniu tożsamości grupowych przez eksponowanie opozycji „my” i „oni”. Analiza odkrywa różne strategie budowania tożsamości wyrastające z tekstu.
EN
The paper examines specific discursive realizations of “folk identities” in a north Dalmatian ethnographic account from the end of the nineteenth century in the context of early South Slavic institutional-ethnographic practice. Texts such as these were produced as part of academic programmes involving the production of local and regional ethnographies by “literates from the people” in response to standardized elaborate questionnaires. Adopting a pragmatic/discourse-analytic perspective, our analysis deals with a number of relevant fragments and indicated those aspects of linguistic/textual discourse that are significant for constructing group identities as “us--our” vs. “them--of the other”. The analysis reveals the different levels and processes of discursive identity formation that emerge from the text, and suggests that systematic attention to such processes is indispensable if a reliable historical pragmatics of “ethnographic reality”, including the notion of “identities”, is hoped for.
PL
Artykuł oparty jest na badaniach przeprowadzonych wśród Paulicjan na terytorium zachodniego Banatu (Serbia) przez naukowców z Instytutu Studiów Bałkańskich w Belgradzie i z Uniwersytetu w Sofii. W literaturze używa się wielu terminów na określenie tej grupy etnicznej: bułgarscy katolicy, bułgarscy Paulicjanie, Bułgarzy z Banatu, a także палчене, палкене / Palćani, trzy ostatnie to etnonimy używane przez Paulicjan w odniesieniu do samych siebie. Artykuł omawia indywidualne i zbiorowe poczucie tożsamości członków grupy na podstawie wywiadów i ankiet przeprowadzonych z jednym z badanych respondentów. Podczas wywiadów przeprowadzanych przez uczonych z Serbii, informator mówił o swojej grupie etnicznej Palćani (Paulicjanie) i Bugari (Bułgarzy), jednak przy innych okazjach używał innych terminów. Rozmawiając z uczonymi z Bułgarii, używał następujących określeń: palk’êne (mając na myśli „ja/my“) oraz bъlgare (wy). Autorka próbuje wyjaśnić sens użyć i odkryć źródła owej niekonsekwencji terminologicznej.
EN
This paper is based on the fieldwork conducted in the community of Paulicians on the territory of the West Banat (Serbia) by the researchers of the Institute for Balkan Studies (Belgrade) and the University of Sofia. The appellation used for this ethnic group varies in the scholarly literature: Bulgarians Roman-Catholics, Bulgarians Paulicians, the Banat-Bulgarians and палчене, палкене / Palćani, the ethnonym used by Paulicians alone in reference to themselves. The paper explores (self-)identification, be it individual or collective, in the discourse of one of the interlocutors. During the interviews done by the researchers from Serbia, the informant has referred to his community as Palćani (Paulicians) and Bugari (Bulgarians). On some occasions, nevertheless, he has called into question the latter as an affiliation option. Talking to the researchers from Bulgaria he has used these ethnonyms to express the I / we (palk’êne) : you (bъlgare) relation. This paper aims at tracing the factors which caused the informant’s statements on the adequacy of the self-identification as Bulgarian(s) to be inconsistent.
EN
The study presents one of the fundamental differences between Western and Confucian civilisations: individualistic western interpretation of self versus Confucian group-self (we-self) and group identity. The study starts with Hong Kong scholars’ opinions: which western concepts are entirely alien to Chinese tradition. According to them, an individual is not treated there as the highest value nor has attributed ‘innate dignity’, as in the West. Equality is rejected, because all social relations are based there on a hierarchical order. The concepts and ideals of individual autonomy, of self-direction, freedoms and rights had also been unknown there, like many other western concepts, since they have Christian and Greek-Roman roots. The author subscribes to F.W. Mote’s conclusion that there is a ‘cosmological gulf’ between Chinese and western civilisations. The author considers right Qian Mu’s opinion that the creation of social, human nature of each individual is a fundamental concept of Chinese civilisation, hence the state is treated as a kind of one gigantic school, in which all citizens are considered ‘pupils’, and all ‘chiefs’, from father to emperor, as respected ‘tutors’. The principle of maintaining harmony and unity excludes various partial visions and different personal political options since consensus is required and individual criticism, in particular towards all ‘authorities’ is condemned. The study presents various explanations and concepts of ‘Confucian self’ (Chinese, Japanese and Korean), among them ‘group self’, ‘contextual self’, ‘enlarged’ and primitive ‘small self’, ‘multiple self’, self as a ‘centre of relationships’, ‘dependent personality’, ‘sacredness of group life’, the idea of group unity ‘being one in soul and body’, etc. The author presents in detail Roger T. Ames’ concept of Confucian self as ‘focus-in-the-field’ indicating that it explains well the different social position of individuals, which could vary from ‘small’ and insignificant to ‘gigantic’. The study outlines as well the religious Chinese context of such concepts. Owing to such an emphasis on group and not personal self, it is difficult to understand properly and adapt the fundamental western political concepts such as human rights and liberal democracy since they serve autonomous individuals lacking in East Asia. The study outlines the education process and the essential concepts of how children have to be educated in the Confucian tradition. These realities change, of course, but slowly and merely partially, since the traditional concepts still serve well social needs and efficient modernization. In the end, the author indicates a broader cultural context in which such concepts of self could operate. For instance, Confucian tradition glorifies harmony, accord and maintaining consensus, whereas it condemns struggle, quarrels and open criticism of others, in particular of authorities. Western individual protests and criticism challenge this approach. When the Christian concepts of brotherhood, love of one’s neighbour and equality were lacking, and all other communities in the same country are treated as ‘alien’ and ‘potentially harmful’, it was difficult to form national identity and solidarity. Moreover, under such circumstances, wide interests and engagement in politics of the state could not appear. Hence ‘culturalism’, based on group cultural identity, instead of nationalism evolved. The western individualistic spirit of adventure, traveling, seeking something new was also lacking, on the contrary, the Confucian ideal was to live together with one’s family in a native village/community. This cultural and social context is an obstacle to this day to the adaptation of western institutions and values related to individual.
The Biblical Annals
|
2022
|
vol. 12
|
issue 2
309-323
EN
The origins of modern western societies are indubitably rooted in Judeo-Christian values that generated a unique form of civilization over the course of almost two-thousand years. These values have as their core-belief that humans are created in the image of God. This notion deeply influenced views on human identity and on human rights. Since the rise of modernity, these religious roots of the western world-view have eroded gradually as a consequence of secularization. While society increasingly became cut off from its own roots, the fruits of the former world-view were still accepted as desirable. However, emerging post-modernity appears to be in the process of not only losing the roots, but also rejecting the fruits of Judeo-Christian values. As a consequence, human identity is evermore perceived as consisting of – often conflicting – group-identities. The aim of this study is to discover whether biblical anthropology can shed light on the functions of groups within a given society. Being aware of the fact that the way how ancient Israel dealt with minority groups and how this is reflected within the Hebrew Bible is not automatically applicable for present-day societies, we still might be able to glean insights for our present world. In order to attain such, this study first analyzes shortly the post-modern societal situation pertaining to group-identities. Subsequently, the focus will be on how Israel’s self-understanding as “chosen people” is approached critically by some parts within the Old Testament. Following that, the study concentrates on how concrete social and religious minority groups were viewed: the sojourners, the poor, the slaves. Within this approach also the “sons of the prophets” and the Rechabites will be reviewed. The study suggests that the Christian church might have an own alternative narrative within a postmodern world by emphasizing that identity should have a transcendent side, by seeing that the individual is the proper level of identity, and by proclaiming that individuals are called to function with responsibility within communities.
EN
By discussing the history of the center for the Great Patriotic War veterans opened on the Island of Valaam (the Republic of Karelia, Russia) in the early 1950s, the article searches for the roots and reasons for the “social oblivion“ that affected the war wounded veterans, many of them amputees. The author tries to point to the mechanisms that account for the discrepancies between the official myth of the brave and simple soldier, respected and admired by the younger generations, and the grim fate of the crippled war veterans doomed to oblivion. She emphasizes that when it comes to the Great Patriotic War, social oblivion has often “competed” with social remembrance. She also shows what kind of filters have been applied to the Russian collective memory, and how the elements not fitting the official gala image of war veterans have been excluded as they could potentially undermine the shared group identity.
PL
Tekst odwołując się do historii utworzonego na początku lat 50. na  Wałaamie (Karelia) ośrodka dla weteranów Wielkiej Wojny Ojczyźnianej poszukuje przyczyn społecznej niepamięci o inwalidach szczególnie dotkliwie okaleczonych w walkach. Stara się wskazać mechanizmy rozdźwięku między powszechnie obowiązującym - obecnym w oficjalnym dyskursie - mitem odważnego, prostego żołnierza, otoczonego szacunkiem i wdzięcznością kolejnych pokoleń i zapomnieniem o inwalidach. Akcentuje swoiste konkurowanie ze sobą społecznego zapominania i społecznej pamięci Wielkiej Wojny Ojczyźnianej. Wskazuje na filtrowanie pamięci zbiorowej, usuwanie z niej elementów zakłócających odświętny wizerunek weterana i przez to naruszających utrwaloną tożsamość grupy.
PL
Autorka opisuje historię staroobrzędowców we wschodniej części Łotwy zwanej Łatgalią. Staroobrzędowcy pojawili się tam w XVII wieku jako uciekinierzy przed prześladowaniami ze strony administracji carskiej (były to wówczas Inflanty polskie). Opustoszony przez epidemię dżumy region stworzył przybyszom korzystne warunki osiedlenia. Staroobrzędowcy odegrali ważną rolę w rozwoju gospodarki na Łotwie. Życie religijne odrodziło się w końcu lat 80. XX wieku, jednak obecnie jego waga znacznie się zmniejsza wskutek emigracji młodszego pokolenia do Europy Zachodniej. Dziś na Łotwie mieszka około 100 tys. staroobrzędowców, co stanowi największe ich skupisko na terenie krajów bałtyckich. Zdaniem autorki teza o subetnicznym charakterze staroobrzędowców łotewskich w ramach etosu rosyjskiego znajduje pełne uzasadnienie w samoidentyfikacji (poczuciu przynależności etnicznej) członków tej grupy. Spełnione są wszystkie warunki uznania jej za grupę etniczną: wspólnota pochodzenia, losów historycznych, wartości kultury i tradycji, języka oraz terytorium, jak również obecność poczucia przynależności etnicznej. Poziom tego ostatniego jest w omawianej grupie wysoki, co wiąże się z dumą z przynależności do tej grupy i poczuciem jej unikalności. Świadczą o tym nazwy tej grupy, obecne w spontanicznych wypowiedziach staroobrzędowców o sobie. Odrzucają oni negatywnie wartościującą nazwę raskol’niki (tj. odpowiedzialni za rozłam, rozłamowcy), a także nazwę staroobrjadcy jako narzuconą przez ich prześladowców. Stosują najczęściej nazwy własnej grupy starovery lub starovercy, w których zawarty jest element pozytywnie wartościujący, podkreślający dawność, wierność tradycji i ortodoksyjność wiary, co widać wielokrotnie w ich spontanicznym mówieniu o sobie. W kontekstach ujawnia się również funkcjonowanie tych nazw jako etnonimów. Inne nazwy także zawierają element pozytywnej samooceny: krepkovery, krepkovercy. Z kolei o prawosławnych (którzy przyjęli reformę Nikona), mówią nikoniancy, nikoniane, podczas gdy oni sami tak siebie nigdy nie nazywają. W pozostałych nazwach także ujawnia się pozytywne wartościowanie w nazwach własnej grupy oraz negatywne w nazwach grup innych, zwłaszcza prawosławnych, nazywanych cerkovniki. W ten sposób opozycja swój obcy nakłada się na opozycję aksjologiczną słuszny niesłuszny. Jako wskaźniki przynależności do grupy występują także określone formuły grzecznościowe oraz wyrażenia wykrzyknikowe (emotywy).
EN
The author describes the history of Old Believers in an eastern part of Latvia called Latgalia. The people appeared there in the 17th century, having escaped from persecutions on the part of tsarist administration (the land belonged to Poland at the time). The region was deserted because of a plague epidemic. Old Believers played an important role in the development of the region’s economy. The importance of religious life rose in the 1980’s but at the moment it is diminishing again due to the emigration of the younger generation to Western Europe. There are about 100,000 Old Believers in Latvia today, the biggest community in the Baltic region. The author supports the view that Old Believers are a sub-ethnic group within the Russian ethnos. All conditions necessary for recognizing them as an ethnic group are fulfilled: a common origin and history, the role of culture, tradition, language and territory, as well as the feeling of ethnic distinctness. The level of the latter is high, Old Believers are proud to belong to the unique community which they constitute. This is manifested in the use of the names in reference to themselves. The people reject the negative name raskol’niki (i.e. those responsible for divisions) or staroobryadtsy, the latter being imposed by their enemies. They usually use the terms starovery or starovertsy ‘Old Believers’, with a positive element in it, highlighting the ancient, traditional and orthodox nature of the religion. The names can also be used as ethnonyms. Other names, too, contain elements of positive self-valuation: krepkovery, krepkovertsy. In reference to the members of the Orthodox Church, in turn, they use the names nikonantsy or nikonane (those who accepted Nikon’s reform). Another term used for the purpose, with negative valuation, is tserkovniki. In this way the US/THEM opposition is superimposed on the axiological opposition RIGHT/WRONG. Another manifestation of one’s integration with the group are certain polite forms of address and interjections (emotives).
PL
Autorka bada językowe przejawy autoidentyfikacji nieistniejących już dziś społeczności połabskich Drzewian i pomorskich Słowińców. Podstawę materiałową stanowią: Słownik etymologiczny języka Drzewian Połabskich (wykorzystujący wszystkie zachowane zasoby leksyki połabskiej) oraz relacje pochodzące bezpośrednio od samych Słowińców (spisane przez badaczy tego obszaru w II połowie XIX wieku). Przeprowadzone analizy słownictwa połabskiego wiodą autorkę do wniosku, że pierwotny podział na swoich i obcych, oparty na odrębności etnicznej (bądź językowej) został przeniesiony do sfery podziałów społecznych (socjalnych, majątkowych, zawodowych). Na przykład pierwotne słowiańskie *nemьcь oznaczające ‘człowieka niemego’, następnie człowieka narodowości niemieckiej, w połabskim zaczęło oznaczać ‘młodzieńca należącego do stanu wyższego niż chłopski’. Badaczka stwierdza, że Słowińcy, podobnie jak inne grupy Słowian, poczucie tożsamości grupowej opierali na tożsamości językowej. Zauważa jednak, że Słowińcy w odróżnieniu od Połabian mieli świadomość obecności od wschodu pobratymców Kaszubów. Oddzielenie bagnami od kaszubskiego zaplecza powodowało, że ludność słowińska była skazana na bytowanie w zamkniętym kręgu własnej kultury. Specyficzne elementy tej kultury (uprawiane z pokolenia na pokolenie rybołówstwo) najsilniej opierały się germanizacji (np. słownictwo rybołówcze zachowało się najdłużej w obcym otoku językowym). Dialekt słowiński w miarę postępującej germanizacji stawał się językiem zawodowym rybaków, do których zacieśniał się malejący krąg „swoich”.
EN
The author investigates linguistic manifestations of self-identification of the now extinct communities of Polabian Drevani and Pomeranian Slovincians. The analysis is based on the Etymological Dictionary of the Language of Polabian Drevani (containing all the preserved lexical items of the language) and accounts elicited from Slovincians in the second half of the 19th century. On the basis of Polabian lexis, the author concludes that the original division into US and THEM, based on ethnic or linguistic distinctions, was transferred to the social domain (the criteria of social status, wealth, profession etc.). For example, the Slavic *nemьcь ‘mute person’, then ‘a German’, began to denote a young man of a social status higher than that of a peasant. Slovincians, similarly to other Slavs, based their feeling of collective identity on linguistic identity. However, in contrast to Polabians, Slovincians were aware of the presence of Kashubians, fellow Slavs, to their east. Being separated from them by marshland, Slovincians were destined to live within their own culture. Characteristics of that culture, such as fishing methods, were resistant to German influences for a long time (e.g. the original lexis of fishing was preserved the longest). With encroaching Germanization, Slovincian was reduced to a fishing jargon, the circle of US becoming progressively more and more limited to fishermen.
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LANGUAGES AND THE SELF

51%
EN
The article looks into the meaning of concepts of L2 Self, L2 Ideal self and L2 Motivational Self Systems from the point of view of their useful-ness for SLA/FLT research. Psychological and sociological terminology related to the Self, Identity, Storied Self, Social Identity and Ethnicity is then discussed as well as various types of the Self useful in the analysis of attitudes to first, second and foreign languages. Examples of linguistic decisions are offered that lead to language maintenance, language loss or changes of the dominant language. Linguistic behaviour is traced back to possible ways of presenting the Self as well as to different approaches to ethnicity, integration and assimilation. Conclusions and implications for classroom language learning and teacher education are also presented.
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