Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 10

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  gwałt
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
EN
Not infrequently marital life in its manifestations is far from its ideal. Mutual love and respect are repressed by egoism, individualism, and also by immoral demands concerning the sphere of intimate life. Such situations become a source of conflict of conscience of the person enforced to immoral intercourse. This paper focuses on two situations: 1) enforcement in the spousal intimate life and 2) defense against the results of rape on the one hand by a contraceptive (but not abortive) pill, and on the other by the „day after” pill (in the context of the discussion initiated by cardinal Joachim Meisner’s resolution in this question). Drawing on the teaching of the Church's Magisterium the author indicates a possibility to accept immoral intercourse (made infertile) in the case when a spousal is enforced, but regards acceptance of anal intercourse as unnatural for both parties. In the case of rape, the author indicates that it is morally permissible for the woman to defend herself by using a contraceptive pill (which is not abortive). At the same time he excludes the „day after” pill for reasons of its specific action.
EN
The problem in the 5th controversia from the work of Lucius Annaeus Seneca the Elder, entitled Oratorum et rhetorum sententiae divisiones colores, is presented as follows: one man seduced two women during the same night. According to the law, which in the literature is referred to as lex raptarum, a woman who was kidnapped may choose between the death penalty for the ravisher or marrying him, but without giving him a dowry. Here, two women were granted the right of option and one of them demanded the death of the man, but the other wanted to marry him. The declaimers were trying to find an answer to the question: which solution is worthier to prevail? Since, in fact, the main problem raised in the controversia is the interpretation of law, it constituted quite a significant intellectual challenge. The declaimers employed very impressive legal reasoning techniques. This controversia constitutes then not only an interesting starting point to conduct the research on the borderline of law and declamation, but also might be a strong argument that the law and rhetoric, at least in some aspects, could have been complementary to each other.
EN
For the Mercy of Water sheds light on an uncanny conjunction between the rape of women, the rape of a country and the rape of the truth. It relates a story about the vulnerability and resilience of women in a phallogocentric world. It deals with the phenomenon of ‘state capture’, the exploitation and abuse of state institutions and resources for the sake of private profit. Last but not least, it examines the relation of journalism and novel writing and flies the flag of truth-telling as a form of bearing witness and ‘remembering’ in a post-factual and increasingly totalitarian environment.
PL
Powieść For the Mercy of Water rzuca światło na niesamowitą łączność pomiędzy gwałtem na kobiecie, gwałtem zadanym krajowi i gwałtem zadanym prawdzie. Opowiada historię o bezbronności i wytrzymałości kobiet w fallogoncentrycznym świecie. Zajmuje się zjawiskiem ‘przejmowania państwa’, wyzyskiem i nadużyciami w instytucjach państwowych i zasobach dla celów prywatnego zysku. Co nie mniej ważne, powieść rozpatruje relacje między dziennikarstwem a pisaniem powieści i promuje prawdomówność jako formę dawania świadectwa i ‘pamiętania’ w post-faktualnym i coraz bardziej totalitarnym środowisku.
EN
The main objective of the essay is to present the problem of granting the status of a person who enjoys all human rights to artificial intelligence if it manages to develop artificial consciousness at the level allowing it for reflecting upon itself and recognizing the fact that it is an entity which has its own subjectivity and the right not to be exploited. Assuming the perspective of critical posthumanism, which here draws on research conducted by Stefan Sorgner, Francesca Ferrando, and Neil Badmington, the Author tries to give a concise presentation of the issue, which may still be perceived as part of speculative discourse stimulated by science-fiction, but which – as the Author proves – seems to be gradually becoming part of our everyday world that humanity will have to deal with on both ideological and legislative ground.
PL
Głównym celem niniejszego tekstu jest zarysowanie problematyki przyznania statusu osoby z pełnią praw człowieka sztucznej inteligencji, której uda się rozwinąć sztuczną świadomość na poziomie pozwalającym jej na autorefleksję oraz zrozumienie, że jest bytem, który ma własną podmiotowość i prawo sprzeciwu do bycia ofiarą eksploatacji. Przyjąwszy perspektywę krytycznego posthumanizmu, która tutaj opiera się na pracy naukowej krytyków takich jak Stefan Sorgner, Francesca Ferrando czy Neil Badmington, autor eseju stara się w syntetyczny sposób przedstawić zagadnienie, które co prawda, może się wydawać, wciąż należy do sfery spekulatywnych rozważań rodem z twórczości popularnonaukowej, powoli jednak — jak udowadnia autor eseju — staje się częścią codziennego świata, z którą ludzkość będzie sobie musiała poradzić zarówno na gruncie ideologicznym, jak i legislacyjnym.
EN
The aim of the article is to analyse the image of a woman in the II Eclogue written by Nemesianus. Moreover, the text describes somatic symptoms used in the evidentiary proceedings in the case of loss of virginity and leading to the accused woman’s isolation.
EN
This article is an attempt to describe the ways in which the past – the especially Polish People’s Republic (Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa – PRL) – performs in the memory of the protagonists of Dorota Terakowska’s novel Ono. Teresa, Jan and Irena vary in both perceiving those realities and passing these memories on to their descendants. After discussing different types of the memory of PRL and describing them using the concept of trauma the author focuses on Ewa – the main protagonist of the book in question. She has to deal with her own trauma, which is a consequence of rape. Shedding light on this motif enables one to see that Terakowska used fictional situations to voice some serious observations concerning the real problem of sexual assault and its social perception. Those remarks are supplemented with autobiographicalelement provided by parallel reading of Ono and Guma do żucia (Terakowska’s autobiographical quasi­‍‑political text).
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę opisania sposobów funkcjonowania przeszłości w pamięci bohaterów powieści Ono Doroty Terakowskiej, zwłaszcza postrzegania przez nich czasów Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej. Wydarzenia z tego okresu pozostały głęboko zakorzenione w ich świadomości, jednak Teresa, Jan oraz Irena diametralnie różnią się sposobem zarówno postrzegania ówczesnej rzeczywistości, jak i przekazywania swych wspomnień innym. Po scharakteryzowaniu właściwych tym postaciom typów pamięci PRL oraz omówieniu ich przy użyciu kategorii traumy uwaga zostaje przeniesiona na Ewę – główną bohaterkę książki, która musi mierzyć się ze swoją własną traumą, jaką stanowi gwałt. Interpretacja tego wątku pozwala m.in. pokazać, że fikcyjne wydarzenia pisarka wykorzystała, by wypowiedzieć ważne prawdy dotyczące przemocy o charakterze seksualnym, a szczególnie jej społecznego postrzegania. Rozważania dotyczące (traumatycznej) przeszłości zostają uzupełnione o wątek autobiograficzny, co umożliwia paralelna lektura Ono oraz quasi‑politycznego, autobiograficznego utworu Terakowskiej, zatytułowanegoGuma do żucia.
PL
War rape is a phenomenon that occurs in almost every armed conflict. The circle of victims includes not only the persons directly affected by this crime, but also their next of kin. Unwanted pregnancies as a result of wartime rape result in children who, from the moment they are born, are treated as inferior persons. Apart from marginal cases, the internal laws of individual states do not grant them any protection or compensation. For some time now, however, a change in this direction has been evident on the international stage. Bosnia and Herzegovina is the first European country which has responded to these calls and has taken steps to change the status of children from war rape.
EN
Gwałty wojenne są zjawiskiem występującym niemal w każdym konflikcie zbrojnym. Krąg osób pokrzywdzonych obejmuje przy tym nie tylko osoby bezpośrednio dotknięte tym przestępstwem, ale także ich osoby najbliższe. Z niechcianych ciąż będących wynikiem wojennych gwałtów rodzą się dzieci, które od momentu swojego przyjścia na świat są traktowane, jako osoby gorszej kategorii. Poza marginalnymi przypadkami, prawodawstwa wewnętrzne poszczególnych państw, nie przyznają im żadnej ochrony, ani odszkodowań. Od pewnego jednak czasu na arenie międzynarodowej widać zmianę tego kierunku. Bośnia i Hercegowina jest pierwszym europejskim krajem, które odpowiedziało na te wezwania i poczyniło kroki zmierzające do zmiany statusu dzieci z wojennych gwałtów.
Verbum Vitae
|
2021
|
vol. 39
|
issue 1
119-135
EN
The article deals with the issue of the transgression(s) of the inhabitants of Sodom in Genesis 19. While focusing his attention on Genesis 19:1-11, the author points out the complex character of the biblical portrait of the sinful city. Among the main features of this picture, the motifs of sinful sexual relations (including homosexual acts), violence and rape, as well as the motif of the violation of the law of hospitality come to the fore.
PL
W artykule autor porusza zagadnienie występku mieszkańców Sodomy w Rdz 19. Koncentrując uwagę na Rdz 19,1-11, wskazuje na kompleksowy charakter biblijnego obrazu grzesznego miasta. Wśród głównych rysów tego obrazu na pierwszy plan wysuwają się motywy grzesznych relacji o charakterze seksualnym (w tym również homoseksualnym), przemocy i gwałtu, a także motyw pogwałcenia prawa gościnności.
EN
There is in Hungary a many years tradition. of gathering and publishing criminal statistics and its theoretical analysis. This tradition dates back to the early 19th century. In the modern days, it was discontinued in the years 1944-1956 only. However, in 1957, the publication of the basic data of criminal statistics in Statistical Yearbooks published by the central statistical Office was started anew. As shown by an analysis of the trends of the number of convictions of adults in the years 1944-1984 based on official sources, there is a high substantial changes in these trends with changes in the provisions of the penal law and to some extent in the socio-political climate. The following can thus be noticed: A very big number of convictions in the late fourties and early fifties (with the culminating point in 1952), accompanied by rapid drops in the years when amnesty laws were passed or new provisions of the penal law were introduced. A great drop in the number of convictions in 1956 and, 1957 which was related directly first of all to the course of events before and after October 23, 1956, and to the fact that a part of the jurisdiction of common courts of law was taken over by special courts of law was taken over by special courts the activity of which is not reflected in the analysed statistical data. A relative stabilization of the number of convictions in the years of gradual socio-political consolidation ( 1958-1962). A gradual increase in the number of convictions after the entering into force of the Penal Code of 1961 and its amendment of 1971. Accompanied by intermittent drops in the amnesty years and in the years when provisions that modified the Penal Code entered into force. An increase in the number of convictions after the entering into force of the Penal Code of 1978. The rate of convictions per 100,000 of the population in 1984 was 2'5 times higher than in 1952, but not much lower than the 1961 rate. The rise in crime in the recent years is also evident in the available data from the police and public prosecutor's statistics. The number of reported offences went up by one-third in the period 1965-1985 and has a constant upward trend. Among the offences reported most numerous are offences against property (about 60 per cent of all reported offences), traffic offences (about 12-13 per cent), offences against public order (hooliganism and parasitism in particular), and offences against person (about 7-8 per cent).  As compared with 1965, the number of burglaries was 3.5 times as big in the eighties, and the number of robberies - 7 . times. The number of traffic offences increased by over one-third as well. Also offences against person reveal a small upward trend, with the number of homicides being stable. However, the number of homicides in Hungary has for many years been considerably larger than the mean European figure (mean homicide rate per 100,000 of the population amounting to 3.8 in the years 1979--1983). The rise in crime concerned financial offences also (offences against the foreign currency exchange regulations, against customs regulations, tax offences) which are included in ,the group of offences against the national economy. The penal policy of the Hungarian courts has rather frequently been subject to spectacular transformations. In the early seventies, stabilization was achieved in this policy which manifested itself by a limited application of unconditional deprivation of liberty and by a broad use of fine and other measures not involving deprivation of liberty. However, the rise in crime in the eighties influenced a more frequent application of unconditional deprivation of liberty, which resulted in the growth of prison population. In 1979, the number of persons deprived of liberty amounted to 16,764 (157 per 100,000 of the population), while in 1984 the respective number was 21,884 (205 per 100.000 of the population). In Hungary, conditional suspension of the execution of the penalty of deprivation- of liberty is not as popular as in other European socialist countries. For every fifth convicted person, the execution of penalty is suspended. In 1973, the courts for the- first time passed a greater number of fines (48.8 per cent) than prison sentences (43.9 per cent). In the-following years, the share of fines in the structure of penalties even exceeded 50 per cent. However, after entering into force of the new Penal code, an unexpected drop in the number of fines took place things to the which was due among other fact that some of the  petty offences were removed from the Penal Code , and that a new penal measure without deprivation of liberty, i.e. probation, was introduced. In 1983, the share of fines dropped to 40 per cent of all sentences. The Hungarian courts were most reluctant to apply the penalty of corrective and educational work as soon as the penalty was introduced in 1950. For a dozen-odd years the share of this penalty in all penalties imposed never exceeded 10 per cent. After the 1961 Penal Code was introduced the penalty of corrective and educational work  showed an upward trend (up to 15,8 per cent in 1964), but later on started to fall up, to 4 per cent in 1983. In the years 1962 -1983. common courts sentenced 105 persons to death penalty, for qualified homicide in the vast majority of cases. Since 1968, this penalty has been applied exlusively towards the perpetrators of homicide. In 1984, the extent of reported crime in Hungary was similar to that found in Poland (1, 470 per 100,000 o0f the population); however, in Hungary the response to the rise in crime has been in general much more balanced and quiet.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.