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EN
The article is divided into two main parts. It refers to selected data on hate crimes recorded in Poland and Police effectiveness while preventing, investigating and combatting it. Based on available sources, there is no problem with extremist activity on a large-scale in Poland nowadays, but for sure there is an urgent one with the increasing number of hate-motivated incidents, both with their social impact. Awareness-raising and educational campaigns that aim at prompting respect for human rights and tolerance for diversity are very needed in this matter. Also, law enforcement agencies, including the police, play a key role while tackling racism and bias. Uncontrolled and unpunished manifestation of hate, both with the lack of appropriate and unequivocal state response to such incidents, also quiet, social approval to hate-motivated behaviours, seem to be the main components of extreme movements growing. Thus, the main aim of the article has been to describe the phenomenon of hatemotivated incidents that were reported in Poland within past years and to diagnose Polish police officers’ skills, knowledge and qualification in this field, together with qualitative analyses of accessible training programmes. Selected terms (racism, discrimination, intolerance, xenophobia and hate speech) and symbols (the Celtic Cross, the SS-Totenkopf and the Triskele) that promote hate were defined (part 1) both with police officers’ identification accuracy. Research results presented in this article were gathered by using variety of methods and techniques, both theoretical and empirical (part 2). The data that refers to police competence in the context of preventing, investigating and combatting hate crimes was mainly collected as a part of a doctoral research conducted by the author in 2012–2014.
EN
The article is divided into two main parts. It refers to selected data on hate crimes recorded in Poland and Police effectiveness regarding preventing, investigating and combating such kinds of crimes. Based on available sources there is no problem with extremist activity in a large-scale in Poland nowadays, but for sure there is an urgent one with the increasing number of hatemotivated incidents, both with its social impact. Awareness-raising and educational campaigns that aim at promoting respect for human rights and tolerance for diversity are much needed in this matter. Also, law enforcement agencies, including Police, play a key role while tackling racism and bias. An uncontrolled and unpunished manifestation of hate, both with the lack of an appropriate and unequivocal state response to such incidents, also quiet, social approval to hate-motivated behaviours, seem to be the main components of extreme movements growing. Thus, the main aim of the article was to describe the phenomenon of hate-motivated incidents that were reported in Poland within the past years and to diagnose Polish police officers’ skills, knowledge and qualification in this field, both qualitative analyses of accessible training programmes. Selected terms (racism, discrimination, intolerance, xenophobia and hate speech) and symbols (the Celtic Cross, the SS-Totenkopf and the Triskele) that promote hate were defined (part 1) both with Police officers’ identification accuracy. Research results presented in this article were gathered by using a variety of methods and techniques, both theoretical and empirical (part 2). The data that refers to Police competence in the context of preventing, investigating and combating hate crimes was mainly collected as a part of a doctoral research conducted by the author in 2012–2014.
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Diskriminace na základě secuální orientace

75%
EN
The aim of this research was to explore the contemporary situation of discrimination based on sexual orientation in the Czech Republic. I used modified version of the questionnaire first used in the Czech Republic by Procházka, Janík, and Hromada (2003). The questionnaire has 64 items including 19 open questions. I detected that there have been no important changes in discrimination based on sexual orientation in the Czech Republic. 56 % of respondents (n=279) have experience with discrimination. In the quantitative part of the research, I analysed information given by 496 respondents, of whom 150 were lesbians, 289 gay men, 33 bisexual women and 24 bisexual men. In some areas, significantly higher rates of discrimination were reported by males, but there was no significant difference between homosexual and bisexual respondents. This study for the first time surveyed the bullying based on sexual orientation in Czech schools. I found that one third of respondents who attend secondary schools have been victims of discrimination or bullying.
CS
Cílem výzkumu bylo zjistit současný stav diskriminace na základě sexuální orientace v České republice. K výzkumu byla použitá modifikovaná verze dotazníku, který již u nás použili Procházka, Janík a Hromada (2003). Dotazník má celkem 64 položek, z nichž jedna třetina je tvořena otevřenými otázkami. V kvantitativní části výzkumu jsem analyzovala data od 496 respondentů, z toho 150 lesbických žen, 289 gay mužů, 33 bisexuálních žen a 24 bisexuálních mužů. Bylo zjištěno, že rozsah diskriminace na základě sexuální orientace se v posledních letech příliš nezměnil, přičemž zkušenost s diskriminací či obtěžováním uvedlo 56 % respondentů (n=279). V několika zkoumaných oblastech se ukázalo, že s diskriminací se signifikantně více setkávají respondenti mužského pohlaví, zatímco mezi homosexuálními a bisexuálními respondenty nebyl v oblasti diskriminace shledán žádný statisticky významný rozdíl. V rámci studie byla v České republice poprvé zkoumána prevalence obtěžování na základě sexuální orientace v českých školách. Ukázalo se, že více než třetina respondentů, kteří v posledních letech navštěvovali střední školu, se stalo obětí obtěžování či diskriminace z důvodu své sexuální orientace.
PL
Problematyka zbrodni wojennych na Bałkanach w XX wieku koncentruje się głównie wokół serbskich zbrodni wojennych, ignorując innych sprawców bałkańskiej tragedii – Chorwatów, Bośniaków (Boszniaków) czy Kosowskich Albańczyków. Wykreowane przez zachodnioeuropejskich polityków i utrwalone przez światowe media stereotypowe, pejoratywne spojrzenie na mieszkańców regionu bałkańskiego (szczególne negatywne postrzeganie Serbów) zostało zapoczątkowane w Sarajewie i trwa do dnia dzisiejszego. Artykuł składa się z pięciu części. Pierwsza z nich dotyczy chorwackich zbrodni wojennych w XX wieku w kontekście historycznym. Druga zawiera opis kolejnych chorwackich zbrodni pod koniec ubiegłego stulecia, trzecia zaś odnosi się do studium przypadków. Z kolei czwarta część prezentuje zbrodnie wojenne popełniane przez wysoko postawionych funkcjonariuszy państwa chorwackiego. Tekst zamykają wnioski końcowe.
EN
The issue of war crimes in the Balkans at the turn of the eleventh century focused mainly on the Serb war crimes, ignoring or dropping the veil to the other perpetrators of the Balkan tragedy; Croats, Bosnians and Kosovo Albanians. Created by Western politicians and perpetuated by the world’s media a pejorative stereotypical view of the inhabitants of the Balkan region (specifically negative perception of the Serbs) was launched in Sarajevo, and continues to this day. The article consists of four parts. The first relates to the Croatian war crimes in the twentieth century in a historical context. The second contains a description of the Croatian war crimes in the second half of the twentieth century, and the third refers to the description of case studies. The fourth part presents the war crimes committed by high- -ranking officers of the Croatian state. Text closes with conclusions.
EN
The negative effects of hate crimes and the threats resulting from these acts justify the need to take effective actions to counter them and eliminate all their manifestations from society. The source literature notes the necessity to intensify efforts leading to more efficient detection, prosecution and penalisation of these crimes. In her article, Patrycja Kozłowska concentrates on the examination of the criminal policy in cases of hate crimes committed in Poland in 2008–2020. Selected court statistical data illustrating the number of convictions for hate crimes, the types of criminal penalties imposed on their perpetrators as well as the length of sentenced penalties of absolute deprivation of liberty have been analysed. Kozłowska also makes an attempt to capture differences in judicial practice becoming evident in the period under scrutiny.
PL
Negatywne skutki przestępstw z nienawiści oraz wynikające z nich zagrożenia uzasadniają potrzebę podjęcia skutecznych działań w celu przeciwdziałania im i eliminowania wszelkich ich przejawów z życia społecznego. W literaturze przedmiotu zwraca się uwagę na konieczność zintensyfikowania wysiłków, zmierzających do lepszego wykrywania, ścigania i karania sprawców tych przestępstw. Niniejszy artykuł został więc poświęcony zbadaniu, jak w latach 2008–2020 wyglądała realizacja polityki karnej w sprawach o przestępstwa z nienawiści w Polsce. Analizie poddano wybrane statystyki sądowe obrazujące liczbę skazań za przestępstwa z nienawiści, a także rodzaje kar kryminalnych orzekanych w odpowiedzi na ich popełnienie i wymiary bezwzględnej kary pozbawienia wolności. W tekście podjęto próbę uchwycenia różnic występujących w praktyce orzeczniczej sądów w analizowanym okresie.
Facta Simonidis
|
2016
|
vol. 9
|
issue 1
279-293
EN
The issue of war crimes in the Balkans at the turn of the eleventh century focused mainly on the Serb war crimes, ignoring or dropping the veil to the other perpetrators of the Balkan tragedy; Croats, Bosnians and Kosovo Albanians. Created by Western politicians and perpetuated by the world’s media a pejorative stereotypical view of the inhabitants of the Balkan region (specifically negative perception of the Serbs) was launched in Sarajevo, and continues to this day. The article consists of four parts. The first relates to the Croatian war crimes in the twentieth century in a historical context. The second contains a description of the Croatian war crimes in the second half of the twentieth century, and the third refers to the description of case studies. The fourth part presents the war crimes committed by high-ranking officers of the Croatian state. Text closes with conclusions.
PL
Problematyka zbrodni wojennych na Bałkanach w XX wieku koncentruje się głównie wokół serbskich zbrodni wojennych, ignorując innych sprawców bałkańskiej tragedii – Chorwatów, Bośniaków (Boszniaków) czy Kosowskich Albańczyków. Wykreowane przez zachodnioeuropejskich polityków i utrwalone przez światowe media stereotypowe, pejoratywne spojrzenie na mieszkańców regionu bałkańskiego (szczególne negatywne postrzeganie Serbów) zostało zapoczątkowane w Sarajewie i trwa do dnia dzisiejszego. Artykuł składa się z pięciu części. Pierwsza z nich dotyczy chorwackich zbrodni wojennych w XX wieku w kontekście historycznym. Druga zawiera opis kolejnych chorwackich zbrodni pod koniec ubiegłego stulecia, trzecia zaś odnosi się do studium przypadków. Z kolei czwarta część prezentuje zbrodnie wojenne popełniane przez wysoko postawionych funkcjonariuszy państwa chorwackiego. Tekst zamykają wnioski końcowe.
EN
The phenomenon of hate speech and hate crimes is not easily captured in the legal definitions and is often described as controversial due to the difficulties with identifying the “hateful element” of words and deeds. Another significant reason for the difficulties concerning penalisation in the area in question is the strict (and for many unjustified) limitation imposed on freedom of speech, assembly and association, which are the freedoms most often affected by the anti-hate provisions of law. Nevertheless the obligations included in the international human rights law oblige Polish legislators to introduce and implement proper mechanisms of counteracting these extremely negative and socially dangerous phenomenon. However, many questions arise: Are the international standards of human rights law fully reflected in the Polish legal provisions and practice? How are the areas demanding alteration and endorsement being defined? What are the obstacles that unable the process of protecting all groups particularly endangered by hate speech and hate crimes? Are the provisions of law a sufficient and effective barrier against spreading hatred in the public sphere? This article seeks to answer all the questions posed above. It also attempts to demonstrate the complexity of the analysed problems, placing them in the centre of the gene-ral discussion on tolerance, minorities protection and the functions of the antidiscrimination law within democratic state and society.
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