Search results - CEJSH

1

Hassrede im Netz: Zur Macht von Fake News im aktuellen Flüchtlingsdiskurs

100%

Jakosz M.

Linguistische Treffen in Wrocław

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2020

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issue 18

181-198

EN

Fake news is false, manipulative information that spreads rapidly on the Internet, especially on social networking sites. It mainly deals with controversial topics, such as escape or migration. It is because of such false information treated by its recipients as true that refugees are suspected of, among other things, violence, thefts or obtaining additional benefits from the receiving community. The article discusses selected fake news about refugees in order to show how easy it is to be manipulated on the Internet. The main aim of fake news is to arouse negative emotions in recipients and to incite them to feel hatred and to be violent towards refugees.

2

Police Competences’ in Preventing, Investigating and Combatting Hate Crimes in Poland — Part 2

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Jurczak J.

Internal Security

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2018

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vol. 10(2)

129-141

EN

The article is divided into two main parts. It refers to selected data on hate crimes recorded in Poland and Police effectiveness while preventing, investigating and combatting it. Based on available sources, there is no problem with extremist activity on a large-scale in Poland nowadays, but for sure there is an urgent one with the increasing number of hate-motivated incidents, both with their social impact. Awareness-raising and educational campaigns that aim at prompting respect for human rights and tolerance for diversity are very needed in this matter. Also, law enforcement agencies, including the police, play a key role while tackling racism and bias. Uncontrolled and unpunished manifestation of hate, both with the lack of appropriate and unequivocal state response to such incidents, also quiet, social approval to hate-motivated behaviours, seem to be the main components of extreme movements growing. Thus, the main aim of the article has been to describe the phenomenon of hatemotivated incidents that were reported in Poland within past years and to diagnose Polish police officers’ skills, knowledge and qualification in this field, together with qualitative analyses of accessible training programmes. Selected terms (racism, discrimination, intolerance, xenophobia and hate speech) and symbols (the Celtic Cross, the SS-Totenkopf and the Triskele) that promote hate were defined (part 1) both with police officers’ identification accuracy. Research results presented in this article were gathered by using variety of methods and techniques, both theoretical and empirical (part 2). The data that refers to police competence in the context of preventing, investigating and combatting hate crimes was mainly collected as a part of a doctoral research conducted by the author in 2012–2014.

3

Police Competences’ in Preventing, Investigating and Combating Hate Crimes in Poland — Part I

100%

Jurczak J.

Internal Security

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2018

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vol. 10(1)

271-291

EN

The article is divided into two main parts. It refers to selected data on hate crimes recorded in Poland and Police effectiveness regarding preventing, investigating and combating such kinds of crimes. Based on available sources there is no problem with extremist activity in a large-scale in Poland nowadays, but for sure there is an urgent one with the increasing number of hatemotivated incidents, both with its social impact. Awareness-raising and educational campaigns that aim at promoting respect for human rights and tolerance for diversity are much needed in this matter. Also, law enforcement agencies, including Police, play a key role while tackling racism and bias. An uncontrolled and unpunished manifestation of hate, both with the lack of an appropriate and unequivocal state response to such incidents, also quiet, social approval to hate-motivated behaviours, seem to be the main components of extreme movements growing. Thus, the main aim of the article was to describe the phenomenon of hate-motivated incidents that were reported in Poland within the past years and to diagnose Polish police officers’ skills, knowledge and qualification in this field, both qualitative analyses of accessible training programmes. Selected terms (racism, discrimination, intolerance, xenophobia and hate speech) and symbols (the Celtic Cross, the SS-Totenkopf and the Triskele) that promote hate were defined (part 1) both with Police officers’ identification accuracy. Research results presented in this article were gathered by using a variety of methods and techniques, both theoretical and empirical (part 2). The data that refers to Police competence in the context of preventing, investigating and combating hate crimes was mainly collected as a part of a doctoral research conducted by the author in 2012–2014.

4

Online Hate Speech and the Safety of Internet Users

100%

Kaczmarczyk B., Dąbrowska M., Szczepański P., Nowicka I.

Security Dimensions: International & National Studies

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2019

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vol. 31(31)

139-159

EN

Background: Hate speech is a very important problem nowadays. One can meet it in one’s immediate surroundings (conversations with friends), the media, the Internet, or in the so-called public space (for example, inscriptions on the walls). One form of hate speech is online hate speech, which, together with certain other phenomena, is referred to as hejt in the Polish language. The authors of the article focus on presenting online hate speech in relation to various age and social groups. Objectives: The aim of the article is to present the phenomenon of hate speech on the web and its impact on the safety of Internet users. Methods: The article uses basic theoretical and empirical methods. Content published on the Internet is analyzed and case studies are described. Interviews with experts (psychologists, police officers, sociologists, media and hate speech specialists) were also conducted and their views are presented. Conclusions: In the discussion about hate speech, prevention is extremely important. According to the authors, broad prevention consisting of professionally prepared content, enriched with film materials, presented by an expert or a trained teacher, should be included in the core curriculum of schools as one of the mandatory issues raised during the lessons.

5

Internet-related risks from the perspective of Polish adolescents with a focus on hate speech

100%

Kapera A., Kapera J.

Studia Prawnicze: rozprawy i materiały

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2021

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issue 1(28)

133-146

EN

The aim of the study was to present the main threats related to the use of the Internet by the Polish youth and to analyse them with particular emphasis on issues related to hate speech. Using the Internet, apart from its undoubted usability, brings with it a number of threats, among which are: malware (including spyware, ransomware, “crypto-miners” and adware), invasion of privacy (both by private individuals (stalking) and advertising companies), phishing, spam, hate speech, paedophilia, human trafficking, cyber-bullying, and, less frequently, targeted attacks. According to the survey, nearly 70% of the respondents encountered threats on the Internet. The phenomenon of hate speech affects 37% of respondents who fell victim to it and 18% who practised hate speech.

6

Online Hate Speech and the Safety of Internet Users

100%

Kaczmarczyk B., Dąbrowska M., Szczepański P., Nowicka I.

Security Dimensions: International & National Studies

|

2020

|

vol. 31(31)

139-159

EN

Background: Hate speech is a very important problem nowadays. One can meet it in one’s immediate surroundings (conversations with friends), the media, the Internet, or in the so-called public space (for example, inscriptions on the walls). One form of hate speech is online hate speech, which, together with certain other phenomena, is referred to as hejt in the Polish language. The authors of the article focus on presenting online hate speech in relation to various age and social groups. Objectives: The aim of the article is to present the phenomenon of hate speech on the web and its impact on the safety of Internet users. Methods: The article uses basic theoretical and empirical methods. Content published on the Internet is analyzed and case studies are described. Interviews with experts (psychologists, police officers, sociologists, media and hate speech specialists) were also conducted and their views are presented. Conclusions: In the discussion about hate speech, prevention is extremely important. According to the authors, broad prevention consisting of professionally prepared content, enriched with film materials, presented by an expert or a trained teacher, should be included in the core curriculum of schools as one of the mandatory issues raised during the lessons.

7

Mowa nienawiści jako przedmiot badań. Praktyki komunikacyjne nacechowane nienawiścią w dyskursie medialnym

100%

Jaszczyk-Grzyb M.

Adeptus

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2020

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issue 15

EN

Hate Speech as an Object of Research: Hate-Fuelled Communication Practices in Media DiscourseHate speech is currently an issue discussed in many scientific disciplines and is one of the threads of linguistic research conducted at the Department of Intercultural Glottopedagogy at the Institute of Applied Linguistics, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. Since 2014, the Department has been involved in the RADAR project (Regulating Anti-Discrimination and Anti-Racism), conducted in cooperation with other European universities and public institutions, and co-financed by the European Commission. The aim of this article is to present partial results of empirical research conducted under the project, including a catalogue of hate-oriented communication practices in media discourse. Mowa nienawiści jako przedmiot badań. Praktyki komunikacyjne nacechowane nienawiścią w dyskursie medialnymObecnie mowa nienawiści stanowi zagadnienie omawiane w wielu dyscyplinach naukowych, w tym jest również jednym z wątków badań językoznawczych prowadzonych w Zakładzie Glottopedagogiki Interkulturowej, działającym w ramach Instytutu Lingwistyki Stosowanej na Uniwersytecie im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu. Od 2014 roku w zakładzie tym prowadzono w kooperacji z innymi europejskimi uniwersytetami oraz instytucjami publicznymi projekt RADAR (Regulating Anti-Discrimination and Anti-Racism), współfinansowany przez Komisję Europejską. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie częściowych wyników badań empirycznych prowadzonych w ramach tego projektu, do których należy katalog praktyk komunikacyjnych nacechowanych nienawiścią w dyskursie medialnym.

8

Wstęp

100%

Michalak D., Linde-Usiekniewicz J.

Adeptus

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2020

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issue 15

EN

IntroductionIntroduction to the 15th issue of Adeptus: Hate speech and symbolic violence in Central-Eastern Europe in the 21st century WstępWstęp do 15 numeru czasopisma „Adeptus”: Mowa nienawiści i przemoc symboliczna w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej w XXI wieku

9

Gdy słowo dzieli. Mowa pogardy i nienawiści w relacjach między ludźmi

100%

Obrębska M., Dobrowolska M.

Człowiek i Społeczeństwo

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2021

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vol. 51

221-239

EN

Hate speech is defined as verbal abuse against minority groups. Its emotional basis is contempt which activates anger and revulsion. Therefore, it seems to be justified to speak of “contempt speech and hate speech” as a spreading social phenomenon, in effect resulting in a generalised deterioration in attitudes toward minorities. The media and public figures play a huge role in promoting hate speech, and it is also fostered by the sense of danger accompanying the COVID-19 pandemic. In order to stop this process, we should start to perceive hate speech as a serious social problem, the conditions and consequences of which should be the subject of reflection and scientific studies.

10

Mowa nienawiści

100%

Cegieła A.

Poradnik Językowy

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2020

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vol. 773

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issue 4

60-70

EN

Hate speech is an object of interest among representatives of various disciplines. Sociology describes it as discrimination of the social groups in which one is a member regardless of their will. Hate speech is defi ned similarly from the angle of political correctness. Communication ethics treats hate speech as a variety of communication violence and an element of the exclusion strategy. Due to the legal consequences of using hate speech, linguistic criteria for recognising it are necessary. They are proposed by Jadwiga Linde-Usiekniewicz, who draws on the relevance theory. A thorough assessment of the utterance or statement categorised as hate speech requires, however, an analysis of a broader situational context.

11

Granice mowy nienawiści – prawo a rzeczywistość

100%

Kępa-Figura D.

Prace Językoznawcze

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2020

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issue XXII/1

101–118

PL

Przyczynami zainteresowania mową nienawiści1 w niniejszym artykule były: istotność tej kategorii dla polskiego dyskursu publicznego drugiej dziesiątki lat 20. XXI w.; brak zgody co do tego, jakie zjawiska wchodzą w jej zakres; postulowanie sformułowania prawnej, ustawowej definicji tego wyrażenia. Nadrzędnym celem artykułu było uchwycenie momentu rozszerzania znaczenia wyrażenia mowy nienawiści, rozpoznanie tendencji decydujących o tym procesie i ocena zasadności postulatów uczynienia MN terminem prawnym. Realizacja tego celu artykułu została oparta na analizie tekstów mieszczących się w nurcie dyskursu antydyskryminacyjnego, ponieważ największy wpływ na rozszerzenie znaczenia mowy nienawiści mają podmioty zaangażowane w ochronę praw mniejszości (w tym szczególnie w ochronę praw mniejszości seksualnych). Opis tego pozaprawnego sposobu rozumienia mowy nienawiści uporządkowano, biorąc pod uwagę perspektywy: lingwistyczną, socjologiczną i psychologiczną. Wyłoniono charakterystyki MN, które zdaniem podmiotów zaangażowanych w obronę praw mniejszości, decydują o włączeniu dyskursu homofobicznego w zakres MN oraz te, które decydują o wyróżnieniu przykładów mowy nienawiści w polu przemocy symbolicznej, której źródłem są pogarda lub nienawiść. Dokonano weryfikacji możliwości wykorzystywania określenia MN w nieoczywistych kontekstach i postulatu uczynienia go terminem prawnym. Biorąc pod uwagę to, że poszerzenie pozaprawnego sposobu rozumienia MN nie musi równać się penalizacji wszystkich jej odsłon, oraz interferencje zachodzące między prawnym a pozaprawnym sposobem rozumienia MN – postulaty uczynienia MN terminem prawnym uznano zabezzasadne. Wykazano także, że sytuacja mniejszości podlegających szeroko rozumianej mowie nienawiści jest uwzględniana w rzeczywistości prawnej, gdy zachodzi balans między byciem mniejszością i byciem wystarczająco dużą/zauważalną mniejszością.

EN

The reasons for exploring hate speech in this article were: the significance of this category in the Polish public discourse in the second decade of the 21st century; lack of consensus as to what phenomenon it falls within the scope of this category; a need for a legal, statutory definition of this term. The main aims of the article were to capture the moment when the meaning of the notion of hate speech broadened, to discover factors determining this broadening, and to assess the validity of a postulate to make hate speech a legal term. To realize the research objectives a selection of texts representing anti-discrimination discourse was analysed as the greatest impact on the broadening of the meaning of hate speech is wielded by entities involved in the protection of minority rights (in particular the rights of sexual minorities). The characteristics of this non-legal understanding of hate speech are listed, taking into account a linguistic, a sociological and a psychological perspective. The article distinguishes the characteristics of hate speech that – according to the entities involved in the defence of minority rights – are decisive for the inclusion of homophobic discourse within the scope of hate speech. It also discusses those features that are decisive for the identification of cases of hate speech in the field of symbolic violence, caused by contempt or hatred. Taking into account the fact that broadening the non-legal understanding of hate speech does not have to imply penalizing all its manifestations, and allowing for diverse interferences between the legal and the non-legal understanding of hate speech, the postulate of turning this concept into a legal term was found unjustified. It was also shown that when there is a balance between being a minority and being a sufficiently large/visible minority, broadly understood hate speech is taken into account in the legislative reality.

12

Hate on the internet as a threat to people’s safety

100%

Kukliński A.

Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje

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2018

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vol. 32(32)

131-146

EN

This paper considers the problem of the expression of hatred on the Internet, especially with regard to the issues of personal safety. An attempt is made to determine the reasons for the use of hate speech and to assess its various consequences. Having analysed a number of definitions of the term hate speech, the author refers to several pieces of research into the subject. Furthermore, the author, on the basis of existing sources, assesses the scale of the phenomenon, as well as the extent to which it constitutes a hazard to personal security. Finally, legal actions that may potentially be introduced are considered, as well as are the possibilities for countering hate speech on the Internet.

13

Political dispute in Poland in the eyes of Facebook slacktivists

89%

Pawlak P.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2021

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issue 1

23-37

PL

Niniejszy tekst jest raportem z badań nad wybranymi aspektami kryzysu demokracji w Polsce. Problem analizy koncentruje się na pytaniach o stosunek uczestników sporu politycznego do przeciwników, możliwości (i sposobu) osiągnięcia porozumienia oraz oceny sytuacji. Obszar analizy wybrałem, traktując media społecznościowe jako przejrzystą platformę do sporu politycznego (szczególnie podczas pandemii SARS-CoV-2). Istotą badania było znalezienie respondentów wyraźnie zaangażowanych w spór polityczny. Autor wskazał portal Facebook między innymi dlatego, że platforma ta tworzy miejsce dla wielu aktywnie działających grup tematycznych, skupiających zwolenników poszczególnych opcji politycznych. Fakt ten ułatwia dotarcie do respondentów o preferowanych cechach. Badanie przeprowadzono w okresie od 13.12.2020 r. Do 25.01.2021 r. Na podstawie autorskiego formularza składającego się z 15 pytań. Próba badawcza liczy 220 respondentów: 126 kobiet i 94 mężczyzn w wieku od 14 do 72 lat. Odpowiednio do charakteru zmiennych i liczebności próby obliczono współczynnik kontyngencji i test Kruskala-Wallisa oraz istotność statystyczną uzyskanych wyników. Wszystkie analizy wykonano w oparciu o oprogramowanie SPSS w wersji 26 i Microsoft Excel.

EN

This text is a report from research on selected aspects of the crisis of democracy in Poland. The problem of the analysis focuses on questions about the attitude of the participants in the political dispute towards opponents, the possibility (and method) of reaching an agreement and the assessment of the situation. I chose the area of analysis considering social media a transparent platform for political dispute (especially during the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic). The essence of the research was to find respondents clearly involved in the political dispute. I choose Facebook, among the other things, because this platform creates a place of many actively operating thematic groups which gathers supporters of particular political options. This fact facilitate reaching respondents with the preferred characteristics. The survey was conducted in the period 13/12/2020 to 25/01/2021 on the basis of the author’s form consisting of 15 questions. The research sample consists of 220 respondents: 126 women and 94 men aged 14 to 72 years old. Appropriately for the nature of the variables and the sample size, the contingency coefficient and the Kruskal-Wallis test were calculated, together with the statistical significance of the obtained results. All analyzes were performed on the basis of SPSS software version 26 and Microsoft Excel.

14

Auch das Beschimpfen ist eine Art, miteinander zu reden

88%

Sadziński W.

Linguistische Treffen in Wrocław

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2019

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issue 16

161-176

EN

Emotions are an indispensable part of human life, and consequently of speech. On the other hand, they are put under pressure by the culture – not least by the good nursery – so that, politely, one does not always express directly what is important to one‘s heart. Goethe summed it up in Faust II as follows: “In German you lie when you are polite” (see also Szczęk 2012). Sometimes, however, one is forced to let the emotion run wild. This is exemplified in the article on Günter Grass’ Hundejahre and Peter Handke’s Publikumsbe¬schimpfung. On the other hand, the article focuses on an important aspect of the subconscious emotive, namely verbal aggression as a substitute for assault. The author joins Meinunger (2017: 11 f.), where he says: “Ranting is much better than his reputation. […] It is essentially a substitute for physical violence. […] must be seen as a victory of culture over nature.” At the same time he is contradicted when he also summarizes hate speech under ranting.

15

Engaging in hate speech as grounds for enhancement of criminal punishment — Wisconsin v. Mitchell

88%

Machaj Ł.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2020

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vol. 42

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issue 1

101-116

EN

The First Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which prohibits any abridgement of freedom of speech, must be regarded as a cornerstone of the American social and political order. The number of expressive categories placed beyond the First Amendmentʼs protective mantle is very small. In particular, there is no hate speech exception to the free speech Constitutional clause. The article analyzes the decision of the United States’ Supreme Court in the case of Wisconsin v. Mitchell. The issue at hand concerned the question of whether it is constitutionally permissible to enhance criminal punishment for bias-motivated crimes in comparison with crimes motivated by other factors. In those types of cases, the factual basis for meting out a more severe punishment is usually and necessarily provided by a criminal’s expression that reveals the aforementioned bias. By considering such regulations to be constitutional, the Supreme Court created an exception regarding the First Amendment protections granted to hate speech by permitting the courts — albeit in a very narrow and specific set of circumstances — to attach negative consequences to someoneʼs engagement in constitutionally protected expressive activity. The article critically describes the doctrinal justifications given for this conclusion by the Supreme Court, considering them to be cursory and doctrinaire. The author contends that the Mitchell decision is an example of results-oriented jurisprudence, issued with the political aim of combatting hate crimes in mind. While this objective remains a worthy one, it does not — in the author’s opinion — provide a sufficient justification for reducing the scope of the First Amendment’s protection of (admittedly outrageous, immoral, and shocking) expression a majority may find distasteful. While the legislative branch ought to be permitted to consider specific motives as aggravating factors in a crime (at least from the First Amendment standpoint), a penalty-enhancement should not be contingent on the question whether the accused engaged in protected expressive activity, distinguishing “silent” and “vocal” criminals. The paper utilizes descriptive and analytical methods.

16

BREXIT z Polonią w tle. Antypolskie nastroje w Wielkiej Brytanii w świetle psychologicznych teorii relacji międzygrupowych

88%

Siewierska-Chmaj A.

Studia Politologiczne

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2017

|

vol. 45

314-326

EN

This article employs selected, basic theories of intergroup relations to examine and interpret the anti-Polish sentiments after the Brexit referendum in the United Kingdom. It argues these theories have a universal utility for analyzing and explaining inter-group conflicts in multiracial and multicultural societies. The value of this article lies in applying a novel combination of theories to study these sentiments; it also critically reflects on the existing literature regarding the intergroup relations.

17

Śmierć prezydenta Gdańska Pawła Adamowicza w nagłówkach polskich dzienników i tygodników

88%

Sarna P., Tyc E.

Res Rhetorica

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2020

|

vol. 7

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issue 1

EN

The article analyses Polish newspapers and weeklies dealing with the death of President Paweł Adamowicz and related events in Gdansk. The press material is viewed from the perspective of strategic places in a press text, which make it possible to determine the strategies of presenting events by various press titles, the manner of portraying the deceased, and the degree of emotionality and to indicate elements of the rhetoric of hatred in press releases. Relevant analyses are preceded by observations regarding hate speech and death in the media.

PL

W artykule poddano analizie polskie dzienniki i tygodniki traktujące o śmierci prezydenta Gdańska Pawła Adamowicza i wydarzeniach z nią związanych. Oglądu materiału prasowego dokonano z perspektywy miejsc strategicznych w tekście prasowym, co pozwoliło ustalić strategie przedstawiania wydarzeń przez różne tytuły, sposób portretowania zmarłego, stopień emocjonalności oraz wskazać elementy retoryki nienawiści w przekazach prasowych. Właściwe analizy zostały poprzedzone obserwacjami dotyczącymi języka agresji i śmierci w mediach.

18

„Ukryta opcja niemiecka” – mniejszość niemiecka i śląska grupa etniczna w przestrzeni publicznej. Studium przypadku

88%

Muś A., Mazalik K.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia

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2019

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vol. 26

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issue 1

EN

The aim of the article is a study into legal instruments for minority protection from discrimination in public space based on ethnic or national origin. As an example a case study of a phrase „concealed German option” and its consequences for German minority and Silesian ethnic group is used. The research question is as follows: how legal instruments for protection from discriminatory language in public space are shaped in relation to non-dominant groups with diverse legal status? The hypothesis assumes, that legal status of the group have a significant meaning for protection from discrimination of the group as a whole, but also for individuals who belong to the group from actions degrading human dignity. The structure of the article encompasses an introduction to the situation of German minority in Poland and Silesian ethnic group, legal documents analysis and analysis of the social and political circumstances of functioning of both groups in public space. The conclusion states, that both German minority and Silesian ethnic group are discriminated in public space, what is especially related to limitations of the right to cultivate and manifest one's own identity. Despite this situation, existing legal instruments are not enough to change it, furthermore – their today's application only deepens the problem.

PL

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zbadanie narzędzi ochrony grup mniejszościowych przed dyskryminacją w przestrzeni publicznej ze względu na pochodzenie etniczne lub narodowe. Jako przykład posłuży studium przypadku określenia „ukryta opcja niemiecka” i jego konsekwencje dla mniejszości niemieckiej i śląskiej grupy etnicznej. Pytanie badawcze zostało ujęte w następujący sposób: jak kształtują się instrumenty ochrony prawnej przed dyskryminującym językiem w przestrzeni publicznej w odniesieniu do grup niedominujących o różnym statusie prawnym? Struktura artykułu obejmuje wprowadzenie do problematyki mniejszości niemieckiej w Polsce oraz śląskiej grupy etnicznej, analizę aktów prawnych oraz kontekstu społeczno-politycznego funkcjonowania obu wymienionych grup w przestrzeni publicznej. Konkluzjaartykułu wskazuje, że zarówno mniejszość niemiecka, jak i śląska grupa etniczna w przestrzeni publicznej podlegają różnorakim przejawom dyskryminacji, związanej przede wszystkim z ograniczaniem prawa do kultywowania i manifestowania swej tożsamości. Mimo to istniejące instrumenty prawne nie wystarczają, by zmienić ten stan rzeczy, co więcej – aktualne ich stosowanie jedynie go pogłębia.

19

Лукізм: україномовна версія

88%

Chernenko A.

Studia Ucrainica Varsoviensia

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2017

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vol. 5

27-33

PL

The author reveals the existance of such kind of hate speech as lооkism in the Ukrainian language. For these purposes the data of lexicographical sources has been analyzed. Diff erent manifestations of lookism in the Ukrainian language system have been described, among them: the lexemes and idioms (including proverbs and sayings) that name the peculiarities of a person’s appearance and have axiological connotative components in their meanings. Special attention has been paid to the usage labels and examples given in the defi nitions from dictionaries. Besides, the author emphasizes the importance of dictionaries as a means of fi xation, preservation and transmission of social values, including the discriminatory attitudes.

20

Politically correct hate speech

88%

Demenko A., Urbańczyk M.

Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny

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2020

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vol. 82

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issue 3

169-177

EN

In the paper we discuss the reasons behind a specific permissiveness of the Polish judicial authorities with regard to hate speech. Hate speech is criminalized by various provisions of the Polish Criminal Code. But as conducted surveys and statistics show, these regulations do not seem to be used adequately. The acceptance of hate speech does not necessarily result from the fact that we are a less tolerant society, but also to a large extent, from the fact that the scope of what is allowed to be said, especially publicly, is in Poland very broad. Paradoxically, it seems that in this ‘new democracy’ there is more freedom of speech than in Western countries, where political correctness plays a very important role in public and social life. The lack of responsibility that goes with freedom of speech and of boundaries on what might be expressed in public, the scurrilous language used also by high-ranking officials, influence the rules of socially acceptable behaviour. These rules also influence the scope of what is considered criminal behaviour. When tackling the problem of the acceptance of hate speech, it is also very important to remember that legal acts, especially criminal law, might not necessarily be the best way to change the attitudes in a society. Restrictions on freedom of speech might not only have a freezing effect but also be counterproductive – that which it is prohibited to say tends to be said more. The problem is to strike the right balance between those two possible outcomes.

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