Search results

1

Bibliografia zawartości czasopisma „Prace Historyczne” i „Studia Historica” za lata 1962–2012

100%

Polek K.

Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne

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2012

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vol. 12

3-76

PL

Historia czasopism „Prace Historyczne” i „Studia Historica” za lata 1962–2012 oraz bibliografia zawartości

2

Tradycja grunwaldzka w Polsce po 1918 roku. Między polityczną koniecznością a społecznym oczekiwaniem

100%

Gorycki L.

Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne

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2011

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vol. 11

170-185

PL

Among the numerous problems that arose along with the regaining of independence, the question of Poles’ national identity played an important role. Naturally, the Polish victory in the battle of Grunwald in 1410 appeared to be an almost perfect binder for the citizens of independent Poland. “Nationalists,” for whom the German threat was the major concern, were basing their ideology on building the national identity around that event. The official governmental factors, however, saw the main enemy of the new Polish nationality in the East, in the Soviet Russia. The lack of official support caused that the Grunwald tradition did not become the leading idea of the national reunion during the interwar period. The memory of “the glory of the Grunwald battlefield” was incorporated into the official governmentpropaganda during the months preceding the German assault on Poland in 1939. Only then it turned out how deeply this tradition is entrenched in the awareness of the Polish society.The September defeat caused that “the second Grunwald” became a slogan of all political powers in occupied Poland and on emigration. The thought of making amends for the crueltiesof the German occupation in the form of “the second Grunwald” was also popular in wide circles of the Polish society. That is why both the powers politically representing pre-war Poland and the new player on the political stage – the Communists supported by the Soviet Union – tried to make use of this idea.The post-war distribution of power in Europe and in the world caused that Poland got into the Soviet zone of influence. The idea of Grunwald constituted a perfect element of theCommunists’ ideology of “the Slavic unity in the fight with the German imperialism.” It led to the renaissance of the Grunwald tradition. Simultaneously, the Grunwald victory becamea subject of numerous abuses of the official propaganda. It resulted in the strengthening of the falsified image of the battle and its significance. After the fall of Communism, the Grunwald tradition which used to be extremely popular among Poles, yielded to commercialisation deepening the plastic, almost “fabulous” image of the battle which was getting further and further from the historical truth.

3

O zakresie badań nad Polską najstarszą

80%

Gieysztor A.

Ochrona Zabytków

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1960

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issue 1-4

3-8

4

Udział osób duchownych w tworzeniu spółdzielni w Wielkopolsce w XIX i w początkach XX wieku

80%

Zakrzewski P.

Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego

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2002

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vol. 5

155-170

PL

Historia ruchu spółdzielczego liczy sobie ponad 150 lat. Nie zawsze uświadamiamy sobie, jak wielki wpływ na jego ostateczny kształt wywarło chrześcijaństwo oraz jak wiele osób duchownych i świeckich chrześcijan brało czynny udział w zakładaniu i tworzeniu pierwszych spółdzielni. Niniejsze opracowanie stawia sobie za cel przybliżyć te zagadnienia.

5

Podłoże zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa światowego w kontekście napaści Związku Radzieckiego na Polskę w 1939 r.

80%

Andrzejczuk R.

Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego

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2002

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vol. 5

203-219

PL

Celem artykułu jest wykazanie wpływu, jaki miało powstanie państwa marksistowskiego i jego dążenia do powszechnej rewolucji na bezpieczeństwo światowe w kontekście napaści i zaboru przez Związek Radziecki ziem polskich w 1939 r.

6

Losy podziemia antykomunistycznego na południowym Podlasiu (1944-1948)

80%

Charczuk W.

Wieki Stare i Nowe

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2014

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vol. 7

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issue 12

97-125

PL

After the Red Army entered Eastern regions of Poland between July and August of 1944, southern Podlasie (the eastern part of what is now the Mazovia Province and a part of the Lublin Province - Biała Podlaska, Siedlce, Łuków, Radzyń Podlaski, Sokołów, Węgrów Podlaski among others) became a part of the so-called “Lublin Poland”. Their initial moves were to eliminate or arrest the representatives of the Polish Underground State, mainly delegates of the Polish Government in Exile, and subsequently - to destroy the structures of Polish military conspiracy, chiefly the Home Army, by arresting and executing many officers, placing them in camps (such as Krześlinek, Świdry, Sokołów Podlaski, and Borowicze) and deporting Home Army commanders and soldiers to the USSR. After creating the Provisional Government of National Unity in June 1945, the return of StanisławMikołajczyk to the country, and creating the Polish People’s Party, 2800 persons - working in conspiracy until then - decided to reveal themselves. However, several thousands of soldiersdecided to stay “in the forest”, as a result of repressions of the Security Service towards many exposed members of the underground. Before the 1946 referendum and the 1947 Legislative Parliament election, repressions of the communist authorities towards both the legal and illegal opposition intensified, which resulted in a significant debilitation of the armed conspiracy. Additionally, as a result of the amnesty from February 22nd, 1947, over 5700 members of the anti-communist underground decided to reveal themselves. The remaining conspirators consisted of a few units remaining from the Home Army, the National Armed Forces, and the “MiecziPług” organization. Most of them endedtheir activities in 1948. The armed activities of the anti-communist underground in southern Podlasie between 1944 and 1948 left a bloody toll on both sides of the political barricade. About 240 people died at the hands of the communists in the Sokołów district; in the Siedlce district 430 people died between 1944 and 1954; in the Radzyń district - about 120 people; in the Włodawa district - over 1300 people. Overall, approximately 2500 people died at the hands of the communist authorities in southern Podlasie between 1944 and 1948. It is necessary to add the victims of the popular justice, sentencing 100 people to death; overall, there were 2600 victims of communism in Podlasie. Adding about 900 people whowere killed by the members of the independence underground, the death toll increases to about 3500 people. It is the price that the people of southern Podlasie paid during power struggles between 1944 and 1948.

7

Wizerunek bitwy pod Grunwaldem w podręcznikach szkolnych Litwy z lat 1906–2010

80%

Karvelis D.

Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne

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2011

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vol. 11

135-146

PL

Grunwald has occupied an important place in every Lithuanian history textbook, in most of them the event is devoted a separate chapter. The author of the article states that the oldertextbooks provided no information on the significance of the battle of Grunwald for Poland. In the interwar period the battle was only a component of Vytautas’ portrayal, a symbol ofthe ruler’s military victories. Grunwald was also used to show historic differences between Poland and Lithuania. We do not come across an interpretation where the Grunwald victorywould not be considered the greatest triumph of the Lithuanian army achieved by the Prince of Lithuania Vytautas the Great – a military genius. In the Soviet period, attempts were made to use the Grunwald victory in politics, as an instrument for the creation of an everlasting friendship between Lithuania and Russia as well as for strengthening the enmity towards the Western countries, especially West Germany. Contemporary textbooks show some remains of the former stereotypes concerning the behaviour of the Polish chivalry on the battlefield. The author looks for the reason for such a state of affairs in inadequate competence of the authors, lack of critical attitude towards the material presented in the former textbooks and their negligent revision. He also shows that the advantage of the contemporary textbooks is that they are based on systematized achievements of historiography. On the cusp of the 20th and 21st centuries, the textbooks started to display the features of the scientific objectivism. Thanks to that, the students can fully realize how meaningful the battle of Grunwald was for Lithuania. The importance consisted in the increase of the authority of Vytautas the Great, reclaiming Samogitia and undermining the military power of the Teutonic Order. As a permanent aftermath of the battle the author also mentions the prevention of a perennialunion of the Prussian and Livonian branches of the Teutonic Order and the creation of firm premises for an immediate baptism of Samogitia. The students also find out that thebattle of Grunwald became an effective prevention of the Teutonic Order’s further conquest of Lithuania, destruction of the Lithuanian nation, ruining its culture and wealth. It is alsoemphasized that Lithuania and Poland became the greatest political power in Eastern Europe. A predominant problem connected with the battle of Grunwald appearing in the textbooks is the person of the Prince Vytautas the Great. The question of the diversionary flight manoeuvre became an undisputable didactic truth. The problem arousing the greatest controversy is the role of King Wladyslaw Jagiello and the Polish army. The author of the article also explores the issue of how the Lithuanian textbooks serve the development of the discourse about the historical memory.

8

Bitwa pod Grunwaldem w polskich podręcznikach do historii

80%

Chłosta-Sikorska A.

Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne

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2011

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vol. 11

147-169

PL

The picture of the battle of Grunwald presented in the Polish history textbooks, from those published during the partitions through the interwar textbooks to the post-war ones andthose used after the educational reform in 1999 was changing. Each of those periods was characterised by a particular approach to the battle as it was attempted to make use of thehistory for the needs of the current politics. That is why the events of 1409–1411, although unambiguously interpreted as a great victory, had an undercurrent depending on the plannedand expected effects of the message. Teaching as well as learning is based mainly on words, that is why textbooks play such an important role in those processes. Textbooks as information carriers reaching wide audiences are perfectly suitable for the purpose of creating the pastaccording to the needs of the current political situation. Textbooks published during the partitions focused mainly on the victories of the Polish army and on those decisions of thePolish rulers and commanders which contributed to the increase of the country’s power. The Teutonic Order was identified with Prussia – one of the powers involved in the partitions.The germanisation period contributed to associating it with the Third Reich. That is why Poles willingly cast their minds back to the glorious pictures of the past victories over the contemporary oppressor. When the longed-for freedom came the history textbooks were not altered in any major way. The positive moments in the history of our country were emphasised, this time in order to remind those who were born under the foreign ruling that they should double they effort to unite the brutally torn country. This idea was interrupted by the outburst of another world conflict. Its aftermath, namely the annexation of Polandinto the Eastern Bloc, had long-lasting consequences. The authority imposed by the Soviet Union attempted to create an anti-western and anti-imperial myth of Grunwald. The battlewas depicted as an example of a Slavic brotherhood of blood and the victory of the nations of the Soviet Union over Germany – an enemy of time immemorial identified with the TeutonicOrder. In the textbooks published after 1989 we will not find the identification of the Teutonic Order with Germany. The authors usually show the holistic European background of the battleof Grunwald pointing out that the victory had wide repercussions on the international arena and its consequences had an immense influence on the 14th-century Europe. The power ofthe Jagiellonian country increased as it took the helm of the old continent’s politics for a long time while the influence of the Teutonic Order decreased. The analysis of the Polish historytextbooks suggests that the battle of Grunwald was, and still is, an event of which Poles are proud and as such occupies special space on the textbooks’ pages.

9

Uwarunkowania rozwoju tradycji grunwaldzkiej w XIX i na początku XX wieku

80%

Hampel J.

Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne

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2011

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vol. 11

126-134

PL

On the cusp of the 19th and 20th centuries the Grunwald tradition was becoming one of the basic instruments of forming the historical awareness, especially among the plebeians, andthe feeling of unity in the period between the annexations. A number of factors that led to the revival of the Grunwald tradition which had been disrupted by the partitions appearedin the 19th century. These factors also influenced the change of the character of the Grunwald tradition, its social perception and mythologization. The process should be associated withthe current state of the “Polish affair” and “Lithuanina affair”, the course of the nationbuilding processes and the international events. The development of historical writing, political thought and literary works of Romanticism, the programmes of the Spring of Nations, cultural and national emancipation as well as the autonomic freedoms of Galicia also had an impact on the revival. The germinasational policy of the Prussian and German authorities was a significant impulse to develop a stereotype of a German resembling a Teutonic Order Knight. The Grunwald celebrations organised in 1902 and 1910 in Galicia, by their course, mass participation and ideological content revealed the extent of the changes that had taken place in the historical awareness of the Polish society in the 19th century. They also showed the role of the Grunwald tradition in the process of nationalisation of the plebeians, especially the peasants. It were the last celebrations, combined with the unveiling of the Grunwald Monument in Cracow, lasting three days and having a central character, with the participation of delegations from other partitions that reverberated not only in the Polish society.

10

Statistics of Poland – the First Yearbook of Polish Lands: Authors and Content

71%

Pociecha J.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Oeconomica

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2018

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vol. 5

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issue 338

229-245

PL

Początek XX wieku to czas rozwoju statystyki publicznej w krajach europejskich. Ze względu na brak własnego państwa nie było możliwości publikowania rocznika statystycznego ziem polskich. W tym kontekście w 1912 roku w Krakowie powstało Polskie Towarzystwo Statystyczne, którego jednym z głównych zadań było scalanie informacji statystycznej rozproszonej w publikacjach urzędów statystycznych państw zaborczych i wydawanie własnych prac na kształt roczników statystycznych ziem i ludności polskiej. Do wybuchu I wojny światowej PTS zdołało przygotować publikację Statystyka Polski, wydrukowaną w 1915 roku, której głównymi autorami byli A. Krzyżanowski oraz K. W. Kumaniecki. W przedsięwzięcie to zaangażowanych było wiele osób stanowiących ówczesną elitę intelektualną kraju. Ciekawy jest zakres terytorialny Statystyki Polski. Obejmuje on terytorium pierwszej Rzeczypospolitej oraz obszar Górnego Śląska i południowych Mazur, na którym mieszkała ludność polska. Praca ta zadziwia obfitością prezentowanych danych statystycznych, których uzyskanie nawet w dzisiejszych czasach jest trudne i pracochłonne. Znaczenie Statystyki Polski polega też na tym, że dała argumenty delegacji polskiej w trakcie rozmów dotyczących kształtu terytorialnego odrodzonego państwa polskiego, prowadzonych na konferencji pokojowej w Wersalu.

EN

The beginning of the twentieth century is a time of the development of official statistics in European countries. Due to the lack of its own independent state, it was not possible to publish a Yearbook of Poland at the time. In this context, the Polish Statistical Association (PSA) was founded in Cracow in 1912. One of its main tasks was to merge statistical information on Polish lands dispersed among statistical offices of Russia, Germany and Austria and to issue its own statistical yearbooks for Polish lands and their population. Before the beginning of World War I, the PSA was able to prepare the publication Statistics of Poland, printed in 1915, whose main authors were: A. Krzyżanowski and K. W. Kumaniecki. Many people from the intellectual elite of the country were involved in the project. The territorial scope of Statistics of Poland is interesting. It covers the territory of the first Polish Republic and the area of Upper Silesia and the southern Masuria, where Poles were the majority. Statistical data contained in Statistics of Poland amaze by their abundance even today. The importance of Statistics of Poland is that it gave arguments for the Polish delegation in the conduct of the discussions on the shape of the territory of reborn Poland in 1918 carried out at the peace conference in Versailles.

11

25. rocznica strajków studenckich w Łodzi – droga do legalizacji Niezależnego Zrzeszenia Studentów w Polsce (1981–2006)

70%

Rusecki I.

Łódzkie Studia Teologiczne

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2007

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vol. 16

183-213

EN

This article presents the course of Lodź students' strikes, who in 1981 acted against the authorities of the Polish People's Republic (PRL) policy, concerning higher education They demanded introducing a lot of changes. Their strikes provided strong impetus for other students in Poland, who conseąuently started their own waves of strikes. The result of those strikes was establishing the first Independent Association of Students in Poland. In the first part of the article, the author outlined the communists' coming to power, strengthening it, as well as their style of ruling. That was a background for presenting the circumstances of students'strikes in Lodź, their demands, their talks with the state authorities and the Independent Association of Students coming into existance. The second part of the article presents the Catholic Church in Poland, its social role in the years of the communistic regime, which started in 1945, and Lodź Church special part during the srikes of 1981. According to the author, today, when there are trials to ignore or falsify some facts and events from the latest Polish history, it is essential to hold in reverence those wonderful episodes which reveal human's right to freedom, dignity, subjective treatment, and last but not least, to have all their rights guaranteed by the Constitution, respected by the ruling authorities. The author hopes that the present article will contribute to a long process of Polish national history cleansing and to showing it in the proper light. This article is dedicated to all of those who were involved in students' strikes, as a token of remembrance and gratitude.

12

Wyznaniowy charakter Akademii Zamojskiej (1594-1784)

70%

Dyjakowska M.

Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego

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2001

|

vol. 3

51-76

13

Nowosądecka Rada i Wydział Powiatowy "pod rządami chłopów" w 1909 roku.

70%

Połomski Ł.

Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne

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2013

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vol. 15

103-120

PL

The article presents the activity of district councilors from the People's Movement in Nowy Sącz in 1909 who had the greatest influence on the local politics. The were building their position from yhe end of the 19 th century whe the Peasant Party Union, the first peasnt party in Poland, was established in Nowy Sącz. When a chance occurred, after the death of the district marshal Władysław Głębocki, the peasants decided to take over the authorit. It happend in circumstances that raised legal doubts, particulary among the burghers who had been govering until that moment. During the goverment of the Concil led by the peasant marshal Stanisław Potoczek, financial irregularites related to the previous activity of the self-government were discovered. Apart from the Nowy Sącz burghers, blamed for the irrerularites was Karol Merkl, the previous secretary of the Concil who was responsible for the treasury. He was closely related to the financial elite of the city. The battue that broke out around Karol Merkl concerned even his private life and led to his dismissal. Further activity of the peasant council was interrupted by the decision of the Regency in Lviv which outlawed the council and its resolutions.

14

Film Krzyżacy Aleksandra Forda. W uścisku rozmaitych ideologii

70%

Skowronek B.

Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne

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2011

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vol. 11

186-194

PL

The article discusses various ideological conditionings in whose clutch Ford’s film “Knights of the Teutonic Order” is located. They cause that it is impossible to perceive the film onesidedly.“Ideological conditionings,” close to the notion of “discourse,” are defined in this article in accordance with the research in cultural studies as all social sets of convictionsand imaginations of reality which create a socially defined identity, determine the way of conceptualization of the surrounding world – also the forms of the cinematic expression of this world. Ideological discourses which determined the artistic, formal and philosophical shape of “Knights of the Teutonic Order” were mainly: the original text of Henryk Sienkiewicz’s novel, his model of literature and the model of a specific philosophy of history that results from it; recipients’ expectations characteristic for common rationality with their typical receptionmodels, the accepted understanding of the film adaptation of literature, the acknowledged model of intersemiotic translation, genre features of a historical film and the set of formalways of film expression used, current policy of the Communist government in 1960 and the original strategy of Alexander Ford, the film director.

15

Problem suwerenności II Rzeczypospolitej w świetle postanowień mniejszościowego traktatu wersalskiego z 1919 roku

70%

Marszałek P. K.

Historia i Polityka

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2020

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issue 31 (38)

PL

Sovereignty is one of the basic values defining the state, especially in international relations. Any political entity aspiring to the position of an independent state attaches great importance to recognizing and respecting its sovereignty. This is characteristic especially for young countries. This article attempts to present the issue of sovereignty with respect to the Polish state reborn in 1918. The contemporary Polish leaders were very sensitive to any attempt to limit sovereignty. On the other hand, the established custom of the great powers was to impose solutions on the smaller or weaker countries that often limited their sovereignty. One of the issues during the peace conference in Versailles in 1919 was the problem of national minorities. This problem occurred in many European countries after the end of World War I and could have been the origin of a new conflict. They tried to solve it by imposing smaller states signing additional treaties regulating the status of national minorities in individual countries. It was often connected with the establishment of instruments enabling interference in internal affairs causing limitation of sovereignty. Poland was also forced to sign such a treaty.

16

Uznanie niechrześcijańskich związków religijnych o ustawowo uregulowanej sytuacji w latach 1919-1989

61%

Dziobek-Romański J.

Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego

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2003

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vol. 6

29-46

PL

Autor omawia podstawy prawne działalności w Polsce w latach 1919-1989 Muzułmańskiego Związku Religijnego, Karaimskiego Związku Religijnego i Żydowskiego Związku Religijnego.

17

Historia Polski w nauczaniu św. Jana Pawła II

61%

Kucharczyk G.

Język. Religia. Tożsamość

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2018

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issue 1(17)2018

249-262

PL

Artykuł analizuje refleksje św. Jana Pawła II o historii Polski. Papież niejednokrotnie podkreślał, że żywo odczuwa związek łączący go z „całą głębią Tysiąclecia” rozumianego jako duchowa i kulturowa tradycja katolickiej Polski. Zwracał uwagę, że nie można zrozumieć dziejów Polski bez Chrystusa, który jest „prawdziwym kluczem do ich poznania”. Zbawiciel i Jego święci wytyczali najważniejszy, bo duchowy „szlak dziejów Ojczyzny”. Papież odwoływał się również do miejsc „nabrzmiałych historią”, takich jak Gniezno, Jasna Góra, Warszawa czy Kraków, by tym mocniej afirmować swoją kluczową tezę o istnieniu „liturgii dziejów”. Za najpilniejsze zadanie stojące przed Polakami jako Kościołem i wspólnotą narodową u progu trzeciego tysiąclecia uważał Jan Paweł II przekazanie historycznego dziedzictwa „polskiego Milenium” następnym pokoleniom.

EN

The article analyses reflections of Saint John Paul II on the Polish history. The Pope sensed a vivid bond linking him with „the depth of Millenium”, tha latter meant as the spiritual and cultural trardition of catholic Poland. He stressed it several times while pointing out that understanding of Poland’s history is impossible without Christ. He is „the key to Polish history”. The Saviour and His saints created „spiritual track of Polish history”, dating back to Saint Adalbert and Saint Stanislaus. The Pope also made use of places „marked by history” (such as Gniezno, Jasna Góra, Warsaw and Kraków) to affirm his crucial thesis that „liturgy of history” really exists. It is equally important to pass a historical heritage to next generations. Saint John Paul II viewed it as one of the most urgent tasks confronting the Polish Church and the Poles as nation in the Third Millenium.

18

120. rocznica powstania styczniowego. Msza św. za ojczyznę w warszawskim kościele św. Stanisława Kostki – 30 stycznia 1983 roku

57%

Szczecina G. K.

Roczniki Teologiczne

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2020

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vol. 67

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issue 4

91-100

EN

The teaching of Blessed Jerzy Popiełuszko falls within the scope of patriotic preaching in Poland. In the years 1982–1984 he celebrated famous church services for the Homeland at the church of Saint Stanislaw Kostka in the Warsaw district of Żoliborz. Each monthly service had a unique form since it included prayers for the Nation, singing, special decoration of the chancel, poetry recitals, and a sermon. All of that was designed to convey a patriotic message, typically focusing on one subject, as each mass was dedicated to a different issue. The liturgy of 30 January 1983 was exceptional, which the martyr for communism celebrated on the 120th anniversary of the January Uprising. In the sermon, he presented the social situation leading to a common effort to regain independence in 1863. Popiełuszko referred to the November Uprising, the Polish–Soviet War and World War II in order to better present the history of Polish efforts to make the Nation and Poland free. The chaplain of the Solidarity Movement used that to strengthen the faithful’s love of the Homeland, so that they would become hopeful and steadfast in their struggle for the rights of individual people and society to be respected, disregarded by the totalitarian regime. The whole event was made complete by the use of special decorations and poetic contributions.

PL

Nauczanie bł. ks. Jerzego Popiełuszki wpisuje się w nurt kaznodziejstwa patriotycznego w Polsce. W latach 1982-1984 sprawował on słynne w kraju Msze św. za Ojczyznę w kościele p.w. św. Stanisława Kostki na warszawskim Żoliborzu. Wyjątkowa była oprawa każdego z comiesięcznych nabożeństw, na które składała się modlitwa za Naród, śpiew, dekoracja plastyczna w prezbiterium, recytacja poezji oraz kazanie. Wszystko to było utrzymane w patriotycznym przekazie, a przede wszystkim w danym temacie, gdyż każda z Mszy św. za Ojczyznę była poświęcona innemu zagadnieniu. Wyjątkową była liturgia z 30 stycznia 1983 roku, którą męczennik komunizmu sprawował w 120. rocznicę powstania styczniowego. W kazaniu przedstawił on sytuację społeczną poprzedzającą zryw niepodległościowy w 1863 roku. Przywołał powstanie listopadowe, wojnę polsko-bolszewicką oraz II wojną światową dla lepszego zobrazowania dziejowego zmagania się rodaków o wolność Narodu i Polski. Posłużyło to kapelanowi „Solidarności” do utwierdzenia wiernych w miłości do Ojczyzny, a także w nadziei oraz wytrwałości w zmaganiu się o poszanowanie praw człowieka i społeczeństwa, nierespektowanych przez totalitarny reżim. Dopełnieniem treści była m.in. dekoracja oraz przesłanie poetyckie oprawy artystycznej.

19

Professor Julius F. Leo – Scientist, Municipal Manager, Politician, and His Economic and Political Views

57%

Pociecha J.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Oeconomica

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2020

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vol. 1

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issue 346

85-95

PL

Przedmiotem artykułu jest przedstawienie drogi życiowej Juliusza Leo, jego osiągnięć naukowych w dziedzinie finansów publicznych, zasług w zakresie administracji samorządowej, a także jego poglądów i kariery politycznej. Leo był wybitną osobistością Krakowa początku XX wieku, pierwszym prezesem założonego w Krakowie w 1912 roku Polskiego Towarzystwa Statystycznego. Był on wybitnym prawnikiem i ekonomistą, zajmował się problemami finansów publicznych, był profesorem nauki skarbowości i prawa skarbowego Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. W czasie studiów i wyjazdów zagranicznych zapoznał się z zagadnieniami statystyki gospodarczej. Duża część jego aktywności publicznej związana była z działalnością samorządową, gdyż od 1893 roku był radnym Krakowa, od roku 1901 wiceprezydentem miasta, a od 1904 roku aż do śmierci prezydentem. Wprowadził szereg ważnych reform w zarządzaniu miastem. Dziełem J. Leo było znaczne poszerzenie granic miasta, stąd nazwany został „ojcem wielkiego Krakowa”. Juliusz Leo był ważnym politykiem galicyjskim, przywódcą neokonserwatystów krakowskich. W 1901 roku został wybrany do Sejmu Galicyjskiego, a w roku 1904 do parlamentu austriackiego. Jego poglądy polityczne ewoluowały od konserwatyzmu do liberalizmu. W 1912 roku został przewodniczącym Koła Polskiego w parlamencie austriackim. W chwili wybuchu I wojny światowej poparł tworzenie przez Józefa Piłsudskiego Legionów Polskich. Stanął też na czele Naczelnego Komitetu Narodowego. Nie dożył chwili odzyskania przez Polskę niepodległości – zmarł w lutym 1918 roku.

EN

The subject of the paper is the representation of the life and work of Julius F. Leo, his achievements and scientific opinions in the area of public finance, merits in the field of municipal administration as well as his views and political career. J. F. Leo was one of the outstanding personalities of Cracow in the early 20th century. He was the first President of the Polish Statistical Association founded in Cracow in 1912. He was a prominent lawyer and economist of his time, he worked on problems of public finances as a Professor of tax law and treasury sciences at the Jagiellonian University. During his studies and trips abroad he became acquainted with the issues of economic statistics, the validity of which, he had a great understanding for. A large part of his public activity was associated with the activities of the municipality. Since 1893 he was a councilor of Cracow, in 1901 he became the Vice‑Mayor and then in 1904 (until his death) the Mayor of Cracow. During his time in office he introduced a number of important reforms in the management of the city. J. F. Leo’s life’s work was a significant widening of the city limits, hence he was named “the father of the great Cracow”. Julius F. Leo was an important politician, the leader of the Galician neo‑conservatives. In 1901 he was elected to the Galician Sejm and in the year of 1904 to the Austrian Parliament. His political views have evolved from conservatism to liberalism. In 1912 he became the President of the Polish Circle in the Austrian Parliament. At the outbreak of the First World War he supported creation of Polish Legions by Józef Piłsudski. He was also the head of the Supreme National Committee. However, he did not live long enough to experience the moment of Poland regaining its independence, he died in February 1918.

20

Murals make (Our) history: paintings on the wall as media of cultural memory. Interpreting the current state of Warsaw’s commemorative murals

57%

Upalevski I.

Przegląd Socjologii Jakościowej

|

2017

|

vol. 13

|

issue 4

114-135

PL

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza sposobów wykorzystania muralu jako formy artystycznej służącej upamiętnianiu (przypominaniu) wybranych historycznych narracji w stolicy Polski. W oparciu o analizę treści postaram się pokazać, że niezależnie od ich demokratycznego potencjału oraz potencjału wprowadzania treści subwersywnych w przestrzeni publicznej, murale upamiętniające – w przypadku Warszawy – przeważnie odzwierciedlają oficjalne narracje/wyobraźnie przeszłości, odtwarzając w ten sposób propagowaną przez instytucje publiczne, opartą na egoizmie narodowym męskocentryczną perspektywę historii narodowej. Odwołując się do instrukcji metodologicznych Wulfa Kansteina, wprowadzone zostanie pojęcie „drugorzędnych” twórców pamięci (secondary memory makers) w celu opisania pozycji, jaką twórcy murali zajmują w polu pamięci kulturowej Warszawy. Autorzy murali, z przyczyn głównie pragmatycznych, dostosowują swoje prace do wymagań instytucji publicznych odpowiedzialnych za produkcję pamięci oraz hegemonicznych dyskursów pamięci, rezygnując w ten sposób z możliwości bardziej demokratycznego działania w przestrzeni publicznej oraz w polu pamięci kulturowej. Obrazy na ścianach powstałe w ten sposób, celowo lub nie, stają się częścią bardziej złożonych, sponsorowanych przez państwo strategii „unarodowienia” przestrzeni publicznej.

EN

The aim of this paper is to closely examine the ways in which the outdoor mural as a form of art. has been used for commemorative purposes in the context of the Polish capital. Drawing on content analysis this paper will argue that regardless of their democratic potential and potential to act subversively in the public domain, the commemorative murals in the case of Warsaw are predominantly reflecting the official narrations/representations of the past and thus reproducing the state-supported, nation-centered, male-dominated perspective of history. Referring to Wulf Kansteiner methodological instructions, the paper introduces the notion of “secondary” memory makers in order to describe the position the mural makers are occupying in the field of Warsaw’s cultural memory. It will also be argued that mural makers, by adapting their works to the demands of the cultural institutions responsible for the memory production and dominant discourses of memory from mainly pragmatic reasons, are forgoing a fair portion of the democratic and subversive potential of the murals. As such, the paintings on the walls are, intentionally or not, further involved in more complex state-sponsored strategies of nationalizing the public space.

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Murals make (Our) history: paintings on the wall as media of cultural memory. Interpreting the current state of Warsaw’s commemorative murals