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PL
The Spanish liberalism, in particular the ten-year period of moderate liberals’ rule (moderados), known as ”the Moderate Decade” (década moderada, 1844-1854), was characterized by a number of contradictions affecting nearly all aspects of life, including the system of government. Spain at that time, weakened by the incessant struggles for power, appears as a post-absolutist state, which retained many elements of the old order, but at the same time maintained the appearances of i iuntroducing elements typical of the new liberal order. Election forgery was the most serious ”ulcer” that troubled the Spanish liberal monarchy, is it brought further negative consequences that led to widening the gap between the theory, included in the 1845 Constitution and its supplementing acts, and the practice of governing. The dissonance between the public opinion and its  representation in the Cortes, formed as a result of falsified elections, perfectly accounts for the troubled course of the long developmental process of Spanish liberalism. Clearly, Moderados could not deal with the synthesis of two completely different systems, i.e. the ancien régime and the liberal revolution. They spoke much of the new order, but only created appearances of introducing it, being too deeply rooted in the old system. Falsifying the election results was a violence of the constitutional equality of all citizens. It must be borne in mind, however, that Isabella’s monarchy had to face a range of other paradoxes, such as frequent suspension of the Cortes sessions and shortening its term of office, rapid cabinet changes (between 1843-1854 there were as many as sixteen governments), fictitious power of Isabella II, who gave in to the pressure from various groups of influence, violating the freedom of speech and press, or disregarding private property. The reality created by Moderados was thus a denial of the existing laws. Yet it was the only probable course of events, since such a situation was to serve the realization of the politics of particular factions inside the Moderate Party, not the realization of national politics.
PL
Sejm, który zebrał się po Nocy Listopadowej, nie miał charakteru konstytuanty,niekiedy nawet unikał takiego samookreślenia swojej pozycji, ale mimo to od samego początku rozpoczęło się kształtowanie przezeń nowego ustroju Królestwa Polskiego. Jaki charakter przybrał ustrój państwa polskiego, walczącego z Rosją o niepodległość? To temat rzadko poruszany w nowszej literaturze historycznoprawnej, a z pewnością wart refleksji. Autor zastanawia, czy zmiany w konstytucji Królestwa Polskiego, dokonywane przez Sejm w 1831 r., oznaczały powstanie całkowicie oryginalnego ustroju, czy jednak korzystano tu z pewnych rozwiązań z przeszłości? Z jakich i jakim ewentualnie poddawano je modyfikacjom?
EN
In the paper, the nature of the transformation of local governance structures between the united monarchy of Piasts of the 11th–12th centuries and the dukedoms of the early 13th century was studied, exemplified by the case of Silesia.
EN
The book by Marcin Starzyński recapitulates, rectifies and complements what we at present know about the medieval City Council of Cracow as an institution. The discussed monograph collected the most important issues devoted to the medieval Council of Cracow. The monograph pointed also to the directions along which further research should be continued. The volume therefore does not conclude the study of the aforementioned institution. Its task is rather to introduce further research whose subject-matter might include: the prosopographic studies, the law-creating accomplishments of the Council and the political role that it played in the medieval Kingdom of Poland. It is worthwhile to note that half the volume is covered by the appendices that inform of the city councilors, include the register of the Council-produced wilkurs and specify the debts incurred by the Council in order to achieve the measures needed for lending money to the Kings.
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