Search results

1

Jak słowiańscy przodkowie Pomorzan stali się Germanami. Mit pochodzenia pierwotnych mieszkańców Pomorza Zachodniego w XVI i początkach XVII wieku

100%

Migdalski P.

Przegląd Zachodniopomorski

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2016

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issue 1

199-218

EN

The article shows the development of the ethnogenetic legend of the Pomeranian Duchy starting from the reign of Bolesław (Bogislaw) X the Great to the mid-17th century. The basis of that legend was the 14th-century oral tradition created by Augustyn/Augustine, a Stargard monk, according to which (the tradition) the original Pomeranian people had been Slavs. When Pomerania was being united under the reign of Bogusław X that oral tradition was extended and adjusted to meet the current political needs. But in the 16th century Thomas Kantzow analysing some ancient sources came to the conclusion that the area in question had been inhabited by Germanic tribes, and the subsequent Slavic period was short and insignificant. That picture was later extended by historiographers. The author of the article also seeks the answers to the questions concerning the sources of the Pomeranian legend, the main topics and motives that were supposed to authenticate the legend, who the texts were created by and addressed to, and what political meaning those myths had.

2

The Political and Historical Myths and Their Role in the Ideological Struggles over the Republic of Macedonia at the Beginning of the 20th Century

100%

Rekść M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2014

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issue 4(30)

145-161

EN

The Republic of Macedonia, especially at the turn of the the 20th century, is an excellent example of the ethnic manipulation phenomena which can be understood as a tendentious attempt of proving that a given area is inhabited by a large number of people belonging to a certain ethic group or nationality in order to justify one’s territorial demands. A number of such attempts was conducted in many different ways over the years. Nevertheless, the main idea of this work is to look for arguments found in history or rather to look on the tendentiously rewritten history, to be precise, which was supposed to suit current political programmes. Serbs, Greeks, Bulgarians but also, in a lesser extent, Romanians, Turks, Albanians and Montenegrins tried to prove their rights to the Macedonian lands by propagating, among other things, national and political myths. Sometimes, the search for justification of the territorial demands in the freely interpreted history could be described as a grotesque process. People were willing to accept such implausible stories as a truth, because a myth is not something to discuss but rather something to believe in. One has to remember that in that time history was treated freely, as a set of stories that could be freely modified in accordance with actual needs. The scientific value and the act of reaching towards the truth was considerably less important than a skilful shaping of a given story. The intellectuals of Romanticism emphasised that history has a certain mission to fulfil, that is has to guard the national interest.

3

O ambiwalencji i procesach strukturyzacji pamięci we współczesnej Polsce. Fragmenty etnografii

100%

Witeska-Młynarczyk A.

Rocznik Antropologii Historii

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2015

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issue 8, Antropologia i historia

109–137

XX

The article comments on the experiences of the former anti-communist activists conditioned by their engagement in the contemporary memory politics in Poland. Theoretically, the article presents the notion of memory understood as a social emobodied practice performed in specific material surroundings in a given historical time, structured by larger institutional forms and actions. Ethnographically, the author reflects on the efficacy of the contemporary historical policy for her informants whose sense of closure of the problematic past seems fragile. Her argument is that the complexity of the past violent experiences as lived by her informants cannot be contained in the conventionalized, bureacratized and rigid forms of contemporary memory projects.

4

Stowarzyszeniowy ruch naukowy wobec społecznego funkcjonowania historii

100%

Kwiatkowski S., Sulikowski P.

Studia Maritima

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2014

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vol. 27/II

7-28

EN

The historian in the contemporary Poland has to fulfil not only the tasks on his workplace, commonly at a state university or in a research institute but he has also commitments which result from the traditional ethos of a man of science. In the public sphere he has to deal with historical politics created by the state and the political forces immediately, which cannot actually be influenced by the scientific circles in a relevant way. The political forces await from the historian the disclosure of such a “truth” which would interpret the existing reality as the possible space for creation of that what ought to be. The associational scientific movement as a traditionally autonomous body concerned with population of knowledge has in this situation the chance and the not utterly fulfilled task of defending of the historical truth, conditioned and determined with the contemporary theory of knowledge.

5

Biomitografia zakwestionowana. Sendlerowa. W ukryciu Anny Bikont jako performans tekstualny

100%

Żarnecka P.

Przestrzenie Teorii

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2020

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issue 34

147-164

EN

The article is a performative interpretation of Sendlerowa. W ukryciu, a biography of Irena Sendlerowa by Anna Bikont. The author of the article presents the biography as a textual performance, whose aim is to contest the well-known image of Irena Sendlerowa (described within the category of biomythography introduced by Michael Benton). The author analyses how Anna Bikont distances herself from the biomythography and reintroduces the parts of Sendlerowa’s biography that had been omitted for years through being incompatible with the role of a national hero. She also evaluates the extent to which biography can serve as a critical tool with respect to Polish historical policy.

6

Lewica parlamentarna wobec polityki historycznej w debacie publicznej w III Rzeczypospolitej

100%

Trembicka K.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2022

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issue 3(170)

175–199

EN

The article examines the participation of the political milieu of the left, represented primarily by the Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland and the Democratic Left Alliance, in public debate in Poland on historical politics. The evolution of the left’s attitude towards the past was taken into account, starting from its weak interest in history in the first decade of the Third Republic of Poland, to the recognition of its importance in subsequent years including the attempt to search for one’s own vision of the national past, events and figures worth commemorating, as well as, to a lesser extent, the attitude towards selected issues that were present in the public space and important for competing political circles: the significance of the Warsaw Uprising or the enrichment of the existing pantheon of national heroes with the Cursed Soldiers.

7

Okrągły Stół w Polsce: 30 lat sporów o znaczenie i skutki

100%

Trembicka K.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2019

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issue 5(154)

103–119

EN

The issue discussed in the article falls within the area of historical policy. The past is an important field of political rivalry and building collective memory, it allows political circles to influence attitudes and behaviors in order to consolidate and build collective consciousness. The significance and effects of the Round Table have been disputed for thirty years. In the article the basic division lines and ways of using the symbolism of past events in the political struggle are presented and evaluated. The political elites’ attitude to the Round Table varied and depended on two issues: the place in the structure of state power and attitude to the Third Republic of Poland on the one hand, and the needs arising from current political rivalry on the other. These motivations prevented developing a fairly uniform view and message about the Round Table, which translated into a losing the narrative on the beginning of systemic transformation in Central and Eastern Europe by the Poles. For the “world” the upheaval in this part of Europe began with the fall of the Berlin Wall, and not with the struggle of “Solidarity” ended with the formation of the government by Tadeusz Mazowiecki.

8

REZONANS MEDIALNY NOWELIZACJI USTAWY O INSTYTUCIE PAMIĘCI NARODOWEJ W WYBRANYCH TYGODNIKACH OPINII

100%

Zemła B.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2018

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issue 3(16)

48-66 (19)

EN

In the prelude I introduce threads related to European anti-Semitism. Presenting the functionalists’ standpoint, I elaborate on contemporary attempts to explain the phenomena of mass murder of the Jewish nation during World War II, while placing emphasis on the fact that the historical politics of the Holocaust in Israel and Poland is not yet a closed chapter. Following these conclusions, the goal and methodology of my research is devoted to media reaction to the amendment to the Act pertaining to the Institute of National Remembrance in chosen Polish weekly newspapers of record. In the end I present the results of the research conducted from 29th of January to 15th of April.

9

The Great Patriotic War in Russian history textbooks

88%

Moskwa D.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2018

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issue 50

EN

The Great Patriotic War in Russian history textbooksThe topic of this article is presenting how the Great Patriotic War (GPW) is depicted in Russian national history textbooks. Here, I consider textbooks not only as a source of knowledge about the past times, but first and foremost as a tool to create the state’s historical policy. I examine the GPW, in turn, as a fundamental myth of the Russian society which-without any doubt-constitutes one of the main pillars of identity of modern Russians. Another subject of this study is the changes in Russian education that took place in 2013-2015, that is during the presidency of Vladimir Putin. In so doing, I focus primarily on the creation of the concept of a new educational and methodological complex for teaching national history and the introduction of new national history textbooks (the idea of the so-called “single textbook”). I strive to show in the article that the picture of the GPW in the new textbooks is mainly based on success-of the Red Army, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Soviet nation. Wielka Wojna Ojczyźniana w rosyjskich podręcznikach do historii ojczystejTematem niniejszego artykułu jest sposób przedstawiania Wielkiej Wojny Ojczyźnianej (WOW) w rosyjskich podręcznikach do historii ojczystej. Podręczniki traktuję przy tym nie tylko jako źródło wiedzy o czasach dawnych, lecz przede wszystkim jako narzędzie kreowania polityki historycznej państwa. WOW rozpatruję z kolei w kategoriach podstawowego mitu społeczeństwa rosyjskiego, który – ku czemu nie ma wątpliwości – stanowi jeden z podstawowych filarów tożsamości współczesnych Rosjan. Przedmiotem badań są także zmiany w rosyjskiej oświacie, które miały miejsce w latach 2013-2015, a zatem w trakcie prezydentury Władimira Putina. Skupiam się przy tym przede wszystkim na powstaniu koncepcji nowego kompleksu edukacyjno-metodycznego w zakresie nauczania historii ojczystej oraz wprowadzeniu nowych podręczników do historii ojczystej (idea tzw. „jednego podręcznika”). W artykule staram się pokazać, że obraz WOW w nowych podręcznikach oparty jest głównie na sukcesie – Armii Czerwonej, Związku Socjalistycznych Republik Sowieckich i narodu sowieckiego.

10

Powstanie i działalność Rosyjsko-Litewskiej Komisji Historyków (2006−2018)

88%

Letko P.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2019

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vol. 2

115-121

EN

The issues of the assessment of the common past play an important role in the mutual relations of the Russian Federation and the Baltic States. In Russian opinion, the establishment of joint commissions of historians was to reduce tensions on this line and improve the image of Russia abroad. Lithuania was the first of the Baltic countries to express a desire to dialogue with Russia on the common past – in 2006, the Joint Russian-Lithuanian was established. According to the declaration, the main goal of both committees was to activate scientific research, the conclusions of which could also be used in inter-state relations. The work of both committees was focused on historical events of the 20th century, and the main problem was the dispute over the interpretation of the seizure of the Baltic states by the USSR. In 2014, in connection with the events in Ukraine, Lithuania suspended the activities of the commission.

11

Mit Stepana Bandery

88%

Sawicz A.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2021

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issue 2 (379)

25-48

EN

The article aims to familiarize the readers with the mythologization of Stepan Bandera. This figure currently does not enjoy popularity among Ukrainians, but he is used in creating historical politics, which has a direct impact on the shaping of Ukraine's foreign policy and relations with other countries. Using the comparative method and the method of critical analysis, the following research hypotheses were verified: Stepan Bandera is not a leader or an outstanding historical hero in the eyes of all Ukrainians, and his assessment varies regionally. Bandera is not a figure that can gain popularity in a democratic state, and contemporary Ukrainian leaders distance themselves from him. The popularity of Bandera is a myth that has become part of Polish historical and foreign policy, but also an element of the interpretation of patriotism as an opposition to Russia, more and more common in Ukraine. The conclusion of the study is that the historical memory in Ukraine is regionalised and it is impossible to consider Bandera as the hero of the whole country, and the Ukrainian perception of nationalism does not match the Polish point of view. As a kind of symbol, it certainly does not play a major role in Ukraine's social or political life, but rather serves to unite the nation around a common idea.

12

The myth of Stepan Bandera

88%

Sawicz A.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2023

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issue Special Issue 2023

251-281

EN

The purpose of the article is to discuss the mythologisation of Stepan Bandera so as to make it known to a wider readership. Bandera is not a popular figure among Ukrainians nowadays, but he is used in shaping historical politics, which has a direct impact on Ukraine’s foreign policy and relations with other countries. Applying the comparative method and the method of critical analysis, the following research hypotheses were examined: Stepan Bandera is not a leader or an outstanding historical hero in the eyes of all Ukrainians, and how he is assessed varies regionally; Bandera is not a figure who would gain popularity in a democratic state, and contemporary Ukrainian leaders distance themselves from him. Bandera’s popularity is a myth that has shaped both Polish historical and foreign policy, but is also part of the interpretation of patriotism, understood as resistance to Russia, that is becoming increasingly common in Ukraine. The conclusion of the study is that historical memory in Ukraine is regionalised and Bandera cannot be considered a hero of the whole country, and the Ukrainian perception of nationalism diverges from the Polish view. As a specific symbol, he certainly does not play a major role in the social or political life of Ukraine, but rather serves to unite the nation around a common cause.

13

PARLIAMENTARY MUSEUM: HISTORICAL CONTEXTS AS WELL AS CULTURAL AND POLITICAL ENTANGLEMENTS

88%

Popławski B.

Muzealnictwo

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2019

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vol. 60

50-54

EN

The goal of the article is to present parliamentary museum as an institution. In the introduction parliamentary museum is characterized as a peculiar type of historical museum. Subsequently, selected institutions of the kind in India, Japan, Jordan, and Belgium are discussed. Moreover, the political context for founding the Museum of the Polish Sejm [Parliament] is described. This covers the time spanning from the late 1970s to 1989, as well as the operations of the Museum Content Department at the Sejm Library. To conclude, challenges and prospects for the planned Museum of Polish Parliamentarism are presented.

14

„Putinowska” wizja przeszłości. Nowa koncepcja nauczania historii w świetle polityki historycznej Federacji Rosyjskiej

88%

Moskwa D.

Historia i Polityka

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2014

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issue 11(18)

93-106

EN

The article investigates an issue of a new concept for teaching Russian history in secondary schools as a tool of creating the historical policy of the Russian Federation. It is also an attempt to prove the thesis that the new concept imposes the only version of the historical truth and provides an example of limiting the ideological pluralism. The author assume that the analysis of the document allows the reconstruction of the major historical policy directions of the Russian Federation during the third presidential term of Vladimir Putin (it is especially important in case of the controversial XX and XXI century). The subject of the research is however not only the document itself, but also the changes it brings to the teaching of history in Russian schools and its impact on the historical consciousness of the Russian youth.

15

The Importance of Myths and Legends in Shaping Polish Historical Policy in the 21st Century: Contemporary Determinants

88%

Wojtaszak A.

Historia i Polityka

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2023

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issue 44 (51)

125-138

EN

The aim of the article is to analyse the value of myth and legend in shaping historical policy. The activity of politicians and their influence on shaping historical policy is most often associated with political change, secession, reconstruction, or state renewal. The creators of these transformations seek to find historical connections in the past that would legitimise the changes and the purposefulness of the actions taken by the government. Historians play a considerable role in such endeavours; however, they should not forget historical truth, which may conflict with political needs.

16

Many Narratives or a Single Voice? The Role of Historical Policy in EU–Russia Relations

88%

Marzęda-Młynarska K.

Historia i Polityka

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2023

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issue 44 (51)

9-26

EN

The purpose of the article is to analyse the process of change in Russian historical policy from a foreign policy perspective. The article hypothesizes that the historical policy can be considered as an indicator of changes in Russia’s foreign policy, allowing to infer the direction of its future development, playing both an ‘integrative’ and ‘disintegrative’ role. Using the example of the EU, the impact of Russia’s historical policy on the EU’s historical narrative is examined. While in the analysed context the new Russian historical narrative signalled a growing distrust and a more confrontational stance towards the EU (a disintegrative role), its unintended side effect was the construction of a common European historical narrative (an integrative role) pushed by the Central and Eastern European states in response to Russia’s aggressive rhetoric on historical issues, the interpretation of which few years earlier had divided the ‘old’ and ‘new’ member states.

17

O skuteczności polityki Polski wobec Rosji, Ukrainy i Białorusi

75%

Kraj K.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2013

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issue 4

167-183

EN

The paper presents the views on the effectiveness of the Polish Policy towards Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. The issues such as the Eurasian Economic Community, the importance and the role of the above-mentioned countries in the Polish foreign policy have been successively presented and analyzed. Then has been carried out the analysis of existing relations between Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, including the potential impact of Russian and Polish „historical policy”. The paper in the final parts contains an assessment of the effectiveness and the ability to increase the importance and the role of Poland in relations with these countries, at different levels. The conclusion consists of ten proposals recommendations that are the author’s vision to increase the effectiveness of our action towards these tree partners.

18

„…wobec rozmiarów Zagłady świat doświadczył ogromnej winy…”. Debaty wokół nauczania o Holokauście

75%

Ambrosewicz-Jacobs J.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2016

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vol. 38

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issue 2

19-33

EN

In Europe a strong association with a sense of victimhood based on the memory of terror and murder in many cases creates conflicting approaches and generates obstacles to providing education about Jewish victims. Suppressed shame and tension together with conflicts related to insufficiently acknowledged victimhood of one’s own group intersect with political agreements on teaching about the Shoah such as the signing of the Stockholm Declaration and membership in the IHRA and other IGOs. The text presents selected challenges and the dynamics of education about the Holocaust and poses questions such as whether it is possible to identify clear concepts, strategies and good educational practices, whether there are links between education about the Holocaust, education against genocides and human rights education, and how education about the Holocaust relates to attitudes toward Jews? In many European countries disparities have grown between Holocaust research and education about the Holocaust. Empirical studies in the field of education reveal that there is a gap between research and education in some aspects of the way the Holocaust is presented, particularly with regard to the attitudes of local populations towards Jews during the Shoah. Nevertheless, the number of educational initiatives designed to teach and learn about the Shoah is steadily increasing.

19

Ukraina–Polska: nadzieja na powrót do „strategicznego partnerstwa”

75%

Bonusiak W.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2020

|

issue 2

247-258

PL

Kolejni prezydenci Ukrainy – Wiktor Juszczenko i Petro Poroszenko, swoją probanderowską polityką doprowadzili do zmiany wzajemnych relacji między Polską a Ukrainą. Realizując politykę historyczną preferowali osoby, które podsycały antypolskie nastroje i realizowały propagandę oraz skłaniały się ku narracji szerzonej przez banderowców w czasie II wojny światowej. Już w czasie wojny banderowcy negowali swój udział w ludobójczych działaniach wobec Polaków i Żydów. Obecnie część historyków ukraińskich zaprzecza, że było to ludobójstwo, a jeśli przyznają oni, że doszło do antypolskiej akcji to stara się ją usprawiedliwić przy pomocy najróżniejszych argumentów. Nowy prezydent Ukrainy Wołodymyr Zełenski swym działaniem chce nawiązać do okresu, kiedy to oba kraje mówiły o strategicznym partnerstwie i należy mu życzyć, aby nie skończyło się tylko na zamiarach.

EN

Successive presidents of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko and Petro Poroshenko have changed their relations between Poland and Ukraine with their pro-fl ag policy. In implementing historical policy, they preferred anti-Polish people and those who carried out propaganda propagated by Banderites during World War II. Already during the war, the Banderites negated their participation in genocidal activities against Poles and Jews, and at present some Ukrainian historians deny that it was genocide, and if confess to anti-Polish action, they try to justify it with various arguments. The new president of Ukraine Volodymyr Zełeński wants to refer to the period when both countries talked about strategic partnership and should be wished that it would not end only on intentions.

20

Grammar of Emotions and Feelings in Contemporary Right-Wing Journalism about the Post-War Polish Independence Underground

75%

Mazur M.

Historyka Studia Metodologiczne

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2018

|

vol. 48

Refine search results

Jak słowiańscy przodkowie Pomorzan stali się Germanami. Mit pochodzenia pierwotnych mieszkańców Pomorza Zachodniego w XVI i początkach XVII wieku

The Political and Historical Myths and Their Role in the Ideological Struggles over the Republic of Macedonia at the Beginning of the 20th Century

O ambiwalencji i procesach strukturyzacji pamięci we współczesnej Polsce. Fragmenty etnografii

Stowarzyszeniowy ruch naukowy wobec społecznego funkcjonowania historii

Biomitografia zakwestionowana. Sendlerowa. W ukryciu Anny Bikont jako performans tekstualny

Lewica parlamentarna wobec polityki historycznej w debacie publicznej w III Rzeczypospolitej

Okrągły Stół w Polsce: 30 lat sporów o znaczenie i skutki

REZONANS MEDIALNY NOWELIZACJI USTAWY O INSTYTUCIE PAMIĘCI NARODOWEJ W WYBRANYCH TYGODNIKACH OPINII

The Great Patriotic War in Russian history textbooks

Powstanie i działalność Rosyjsko-Litewskiej Komisji Historyków (2006−2018)

Mit Stepana Bandery

The myth of Stepan Bandera

PARLIAMENTARY MUSEUM: HISTORICAL CONTEXTS AS WELL AS CULTURAL AND POLITICAL ENTANGLEMENTS

„Putinowska” wizja przeszłości. Nowa koncepcja nauczania historii w świetle polityki historycznej Federacji Rosyjskiej

The Importance of Myths and Legends in Shaping Polish Historical Policy in the 21st Century: Contemporary Determinants

Many Narratives or a Single Voice? The Role of Historical Policy in EU–Russia Relations

O skuteczności polityki Polski wobec Rosji, Ukrainy i Białorusi

„…wobec rozmiarów Zagłady świat doświadczył ogromnej winy…”. Debaty wokół nauczania o Holokauście

Ukraina–Polska: nadzieja na powrót do „strategicznego partnerstwa”

Grammar of Emotions and Feelings in Contemporary Right-Wing Journalism about the Post-War Polish Independence Underground