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PL
Tes Urszula, Human on fire as a gesture of self-offering in Polish documentary films “Images” vol. XXV, no. 34. Poznań 2019. Adam Mickiewicz University Press. Pp. 172–179. ISSN 1731-450X. DOI 10.14746/i.2019.34.12. One of strongest acts of personal protest in the communist era was self-immolation, which was the subject of two Polish documentaries. Maciej Drygas in Hear My Cry invoked the figure of Ryszard Siwiec, who immolated himself on September 8, 1968 as a sign of protest against the Soviet army invasion of Czechoslovakia. In his documentary, Drygas shows a fragment of the film with the burning man, juxtaposing it with the testimony of witnesses to the tragedy and the account of the family. This documentary restores the memory of the whole society, who due solely to the film, learned about the radical gesture of a common man. Holy Fire by Jarosław Mańka and Maciej Grabysa in turn invokes the heroic but forgotten Walenty Badylak, who immolated himself in March of 1980 in Cracow as an expression of his objection to distortion of the truth about Katyń. Both acts of self-immolation had for many years been perceived as totally futile acts, while the directors show that the self-immolation of these now has a deep and symbolic meaning. In my analysis, I shall invoke historic and cultural contexts, conduct a multifaceted interpretation of self-immolation act and discuss the complex imagery included in the films.
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EN
“More and more phenomena are assuming a political dimension, and the surrounding world of politics is beginning to overwhelm us. Despite its grounding in rationality, and despite efforts to adapt it to the changing forms of social life, it systematically yields to derealisation. The key notions in this area, such as liberty, equality, democracy, raison d’état, revolution, counter-revolution, are becoming increasingly disconnected, receive variegated explanations and interpretations in political practice, are readily subject to manipulation.” Cultural myth expresses a collective, emotionally charged belief in the veracity of a conceptual content, a memory, and simultaneously provides a model, a set of rules for social behaviour. Leszek Kołakowski draws attention to the ubiquity of mythological thinking in contemporary culture in which it addresses the universal need to find meaning and continuity in the world and its values. Myth is then a particular mode of perception, cognition, and understanding of reality, part of man’s mentality, his national and cultural identity.
PL
The publication is devoted to the problems of towns and townspeople’s activity in the political life of Poland before the Partitions. The research problem taken up in the article determined the possibly universal understanding of the term “town” and resignation from penetrating into terminological disputes related to the multifaceted nature of “urban issues” resulting in polemical multithreading in the doctrine. A broad temporal range was supposed to show the dynamics of undertaken actions, the progress and regress of the discussed process and the diversity of forms of active participation of towns and townspeople in the political life of the state. The author also tried to consider whether the explored issue could have an impact on the original direction of the systemic evolution of the former Polish statehood.
EN
This paper is not an attempt to present the process of political changes that occurred in Poland after the end of the Second World War. Its aim is to indicate and explain the characteristics of the process of political change which after 1945 turned Poland into a totalitarian socialist state, and from 1989 led to the construction of the democratic state. The fate of Poland and other Eastern European countries was decided by the strategic interests of the great powers. The memory of the victims of war and democratic axiology gave way to the calculations and domination of force. Many nations were deprived of subjectivity and the possibility of sovereign choice in their future development. In Poland the place of the sovereign nation had been taken by a small group of politicians who became the plenipotentiaries of the Soviet leadership. The creation of the totalitarian system was an essential precondition for the implementation of the Stalinist model of society entirely dominated by the Communist Party, the state described as socialist, and its apparatus of repression. The rule over the nation, although it was called the dictatorship of the proletariat, was a dictatorship over the enslaved society. Only the gradual erosion and finally the collapse of the centre of communist world, created in this part of Europe the possibility to choose freely the model of collective life. The victory of the Polish Solidarity and the fall of Berlin Wall alike symbolize the overcoming the post-Yalta order and the return of these nations to the European, democratic idea of social order. After 1989 the political solutions in which power is protecting the needs, interests and aspirations of each individual as well as the common good, considered the summum bonnum, were chosen. This power is by its very nature decentralised.
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Sejm Czteroletni (1788–1792) – polska rewolucja?

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EN
The Four-Year Sejm is one of the events of critical importance both in the history of parliamentarism and the eighteenth-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. This article attempts to present the events of 1788–92 from two perspectives: on the one hand, by placing them in the tradition of the functioning of the Sejm as the highest organ of power in the Commonwealth; on the other, by considering them as a kind of revolution, interwoven with the ‘revolutionary cycle’, which began with the rebellion of the American colonies and culminated with the groundbreaking eruption in France. Following and describing the course of the Sejm’s debates, the author divides them into stages that she describes as ‘destruction – discussion – creation’, seeing in them certain features typical of all events of this period that bear the hallmarks of revolution. She analyses both the play of political forces within the Sejm and the more fundamental changes in the political attitudes and political awareness of the nobility, as well as the revival of the townspeople. She also takes into account the changing international position of the Commonwealth. In this broad context, she presents the subsequent events and decisions of the Sejm up to the most important – the adoption of the Government Act on 3 May 1791.
EN
The match between the national teams of Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) during the 1974 FIFA World Cup organised in Frankfurt am Main, is often called the “Water Battle of Frankfurt” and plays a significant role in the collective imagination of Poles, in their historical memory. The only event comparable to it is the draw scored by the Polish footballers in the game with England at the Wembley stadium in October 1973, which led to the first Polish advance to the World Cup since 1938, namely to the 1974 contest organised in West Germany. The legend of the “victorious draw” had become a myth only in terms of sport, while the Frankfurt game also carried political connotations. The latter was strongly connected to the political context of the Polish performance at the 1974 FIFA World Cup, created by the communist government of that time. The success achieved by Kazimierz Górski’s team was politically taken advantage of by the environment of the I Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers Party, Edward Gierek. This was done on the one hand to implement a crucial domestic propaganda project, but on the other hand to enhance the pursuit of current political goals in relations with the FRG.
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81%
PL
The article presents a historical vision of the Polish patriotism. The author shows the traditions of Polish patriotism in a historical perspective on the example of changes in the function and significance of the symbolic battle of Grunwald/Tannenberg of 1410 (as a case study) in the formation of the Polish patriotic identity. The author also tries to characterise the most important challenges that different educational milieux faced in 1918 and in the first years of the construction of the Second Polish Republic.
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Wielki sztandar narodowy

81%
PL
The author of this essay puts forward the thesis that civic patriotism should be associated with action for the benefit of the community – regardless of nationality, race, class origin, political convictions or sexual orientation of its citizens – rather than with top-down celebrations of subsequent historical anniversaries. At the same time, the author argues that educational narratives about patriotism cannot escape political discourse. Education, like culture, cannot exist as an enclave, a neutral space beyond the power relations. Such thinking requires – according to the author – a change in the pedagogical perspective into a performative one and a change in the way of writing about culture and education going beyond the positivist and post-positivist framework. The author refers to the reflection of Norman K. Denzin and Yvonne S. Lincoln, and asserts that there is a need for educators who are close to the figure of a political bricoleur realising that there is no science free of value and at the same time seeking civic social science, whose basis is the “policy of hope”.
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81%
EN
Oskar Halecki’s reception in French historiography is one of the interesting examples of diffi-culties in understanding Polish historical thought in France. As one of the leading authors of the concept of East‑Central Europe in world historiography, a descendant of the Viennese aristoc-racy and an ambassador of Polish humanities in the League of Nations Committee on Intellec-tual Cooperation, he promoted the history of the countries of the region, considering their independent of Russia cultural specificity, deeply connected with the values of the Christian Europe. Meanwhile, after the Second World War, the socio‑economically oriented historiogra-phy of “Annales” was gaining more and more popularity in Paris – and in Warsaw itself ...
EN
This paper offers a critical appraisal of the image of Poland and Poles as it appears in Brit ish university textbooks and syllabi for students opting to study business, economics, - psychology, and social sciences with respect to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Authors of university textbooks have considered all the most signicant historical, political and social events in reference to Poland in modern times, right up to the present. The present study analyses presentations and interpretations of selected events and processes, including the functioning of the apparatus of state in seventeenth-century Poland, the unprecedented power of the Polish aristocracy and lesser nobility, the impact of World War II, the phenomenon of the Polish Government in Exile, the process of the sovietisation of Poland, and the transformation and synthesis of communism
EN
The subjects of the study are works of A. L. Pogodin devoted to the history of Poland, reflected perception of the Polish question by the Russian society. Studying of his polonistic heritage allows us to speak with more confidence about the statement of the Russian historical polonistic in the first quarter of the 20th century, considering that, this problem remains until today debatable and demands amendments. Pogodin’s works have been analyzed from the point of view of both the essence and evolution of the Polish question, as well as those significant changes that occurred not only in the field of historical science, studying the history of Poland, but also the visions of the Russian society on Poland. This study gave the chance to come closer to understanding the Pogodin’s information code in his historical works, which allowing to shake basement of the Russian historical tradition concerning the Polish history of the 19th century.
EN
Form Blessed Rev. Jerzy Popieluszko and the content of his sermons, preached in the church Stanislaus Kostka in Warsaw's Żoliborz already permanently etched in Polish history. Celebrated by him during martial law masses for the country attracted crowds of the faithful, and the content of homilies were full of patriotic and historical aspects. “Żoliborz preacher” in their teaching often referred to the events connected with the history of Poland, as well as profiles of genuine patriots to show a true and lasting values, as well as a remedy for man during the communist enslavement. Images of Polish history in the ministry, “the words” served Rev. Popieluszko to show the source of hope and witness the strength and, above all, to the example of the rebirth of the nation, even the most tragic moments of history. Using the historical aspects of the “martyr of communism”, he also wanted to show where lies the cause of the fall of man and the nation, and how, building on God, tormented society can be reborn.
EN
The object of this analysis is a drama by J. Korzeniowski from his time in Krzemieniec: a tragedy called “Mnich – The Monk” (1826, published in 1830). The piece, which depicts the last days of the king Bolesław Śmiały, is distinguished by many references to earlier theatrical and dramatical traditions (from antiquity and classicism to Shakespeare and Schiller’s works), which characterizes the early period of Korzeniowski’s creation. The author of “The Monk” seeks a new formula for the historical-religious drama, combining the historicism and picturesqueness with some elements of the medieval mystery play and psychological conscience drama. The paper also deals with the ambiguous reception of Korzeniowski’s early works by the Romantic writers, the culmination of which was a prominent rejection of “The Monk” by Maurycy Mochnacki, a decision motivated with his ideological convictions.
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Karol Modzelewski

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EN
The article depicts the personage of Karol Modzelewski (1937–2019) the outstanding activist for freedom of Poland, long-term political prisoner, prominent medievalist historian and full member of the Polish Academy of Sciences.
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Review of J. Sowa's book "Fantomowe ciało króla. Peryferyjne zmagania z nowoczesną formą"
XX
n the following article I discuss the role that materiality plays in mediations of the past in the present via cultural and educational heritage practices. I do so based on my research among three cultural institutions operating in Tykocin, a small town situated in north-eastern Poland. I start by critically examining current theoretical perspectives on heritage and materiality. Next, I show how in Tykocin historical objects influence the process of establishing relationships with the past and take part in shaping narrations about town’s history. I focus especially on historical buildings and urban sites. Last but not least, I study how employees and members of the three cultural institutions try to supervise the agency of the historical objects.
PL
Artykuł analizuje refleksje św. Jana Pawła II o historii Polski. Papież niejednokrotnie podkreślał, że żywo odczuwa związek łączący go z „całą głębią Tysiąclecia” rozumianego jako duchowa i kulturowa tradycja katolickiej Polski. Zwracał uwagę, że nie można zrozumieć dziejów Polski bez Chrystusa, który jest „prawdziwym kluczem do ich poznania”. Zbawiciel i Jego święci wytyczali najważniejszy, bo duchowy „szlak dziejów Ojczyzny”. Papież odwoływał się również do miejsc „nabrzmiałych historią”, takich jak Gniezno, Jasna Góra, Warszawa czy Kraków, by tym mocniej afirmować swoją kluczową tezę o istnieniu „liturgii dziejów”. Za najpilniejsze zadanie stojące przed Polakami jako Kościołem i wspólnotą narodową u progu trzeciego tysiąclecia uważał Jan Paweł II przekazanie historycznego dziedzictwa „polskiego Milenium” następnym pokoleniom.
EN
The article analyses reflections of Saint John Paul II on the Polish history. The Pope sensed a vivid bond linking him with „the depth of Millenium”, tha latter meant as the spiritual and cultural trardition of catholic Poland. He stressed it several times while pointing out that understanding of Poland’s history is impossible without Christ. He is „the key to Polish history”. The Saviour and His saints created „spiritual track of Polish history”, dating back to Saint Adalbert and Saint Stanislaus. The Pope also made use of places „marked by history” (such as Gniezno, Jasna Góra, Warsaw and Kraków) to affirm his crucial thesis that „liturgy of history” really exists. It is equally important to pass a historical heritage to next generations. Saint John Paul II viewed it as one of the most urgent tasks confronting the Polish Church and the Poles as nation in the Third Millenium.
EN
The article by Jérémie Fischer titled The Grand Duchy of Warsaw as Seen by a French Emigrant or an Account of this Political Development in the „Mémoires” of Fr. Pochard (1806--1815) presents so far unknown threads of political, social and military developments in the period of 1806-1815 connected with the history of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, of which the French tutor of children from the Skórzewski family was an eye witness. Although the focus of the account contained on the two hundred pages of the diary is largely on the family of Polish landed gentry, due Father Pochard’s many travels and encounters it definitely sheds new light on the historical events pertaining to the history of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, and thus the diary becomes a valuable source for research on the history of Poland.
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