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EN
The paper analyzes a symbolic notion that entered Polish political discourse at the time of political transformation, namely the notion of homo sovieticus. The author emphasizes a dichotomy in how this notion has been presented in Poland and in the Soviet Union, and later in the Russian Federation. In Poland this symbol was primarily assigned all the negative features associated with the pre-transformation society and with soviet ‘communism’ (Rev. J. Tisch- ner). In Russia, the associations most frequently evoked by the notion of homo sovieticus were more varied (A. Zinovjev, S. Alieksiyewich, W. Yerofieyev). Ideological zeal, or commitment to the ethos of work, were referred to more often there. Czes3aw Milosz presented an- other interesting approach to the topic, interpreting homo sovieticus more in terms of a victim of the ‘totalitarian system’ while emphasizing the issue of violence – both symbolic and subjective, and the uniformization of society (which had a considerable impact on ‘shaping’ the social mass as desired by the authorities). The paper attempts to stress the fact that the notion of homo sovieticus or soviet man is frequently refused the right to an actual identity, as it is mainly associated with the negative aspects of human nature. It is forgotten that an individual identity is the sum total of many factors: its self-identification and placement, the collective self-consciousness of the group, the historical conditions or axiological system prevailing and socially accepted in a given historical period.
EN
The subject of our interest is the rhetoric of Makarenko’s readings/interpretations of upbringing designated for parents. We would like to subject it to consideration in the prospect/perspective of Foucault’s governmentality category, understood as a specific metacategory/joint category connecting the axes of power (the Soviet power), knowledge (political economy), and the subject (homo sovieticus). Applying the governmentality category provides for the possibility of attempting to reconstruct traces of tangle/discursive relations and undiscursive elements of the policy of arranging a family which is a component of a broader policy of the Soviet state aimed at “forging” the new Soviet man. In this context, we will recognize Makarenko’s pedagogy as a kind of conceptualization and implementation of the policy of the Soviet state at the family level, having the goal of shaping a man of collective mentality, completely subordinated to the Soviet state, with standardized and ideologized consciousness.
EN
This article proposes an analysis of the Soviet people’ image in Second-hand Time by Svetlana Alexievich. It discusses the category of the “close Other” (Czapliński). Particular attention is paid to the role of the aesthetics of spontaneity (Czermińska). The techniques of narrative polyphony (Bachtin) were also described. The article proposes the hypothesis, that the motivation of this model of narrative is strenghtening the characters’ point of view. Simultaneously the reporter appears as involved in the process of transformation of witnesses’ consciousness. Reportage thus seems to be a genre which is not only reproducing the story, but also has the performative power. One of its aspects is the psychotherapeutic function of the textual and metatextual communication. The image of the Other in the text thus appears as an identity in the process, which can be seen as a an antiorientalistic strategy of the narrator.
EN
The article presentsa specific image of powerin the worksof Vladimir Kantor.In all the analyzed texts authority is presented negatively. It is often associated with rogue structures, and its representatives fully deserve to be called Homo Sovieticus, because they are characterized by arrogance, insolence and cruelty. They are corrupt and do not hesitate to abuse their positions for their own benefit. The contemptuous attitude toward lower - ranks, and submission to superiors, are represented in the hereof the novel The Petty Demon by F. Sologub,and entitle us to call them this way. Kantor shows the limited power of minor officials, doctors and conductors, and also draws silhouettes of those who keep away from power - the creative intelligentsia.
EN
This article is an attempt at recreating the portrait of a “Chernobyl Man” created by Svetlana Alexievich in Chernobyl Prayer. The “Chernobyl Man” is a certain psychological type whose psychological portrait is drawn based on their entanglement in the current social and political realities. On the one hand, the “Chernobyl Man” is a typical representative of a homo sovieticus – an individual displaying boundless devotion to the state. On the other hand, this type of man through their relationship with the world is living proof of the spiritual disintegration of the Soviet empire.
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EN
This article analyzes the concept of homo sovieticus. Its point of departure is Józef Tischner’s description of the syndrome know under this name. Many of Tischner’s general observations have been reflected in empirical research conducted by distinguished sociologists: Stefan Nowak, Mirosława Marody, Jan Lutyński or Edmund Wnuk-Lipiński. Two basic questions are formulated in this article: 1) Do the specific characteristics of Polish society which emerge from this research allow us to posit the existence of a specific type of human being with a distinct mentality, way of thinking and social functioning which Tischner portrayed? In other words, did communism really produce a “new man”? 2) Is the homo sovieticus attitude syndrome useful? Does it help to explain the various problems of systemic transformation?
EN
Individual behavior in an organization depends on many factors. However, an individual joining an organization is already equipped with a fixed system of values and an attitude. Therefore, identifying workers’ attitudes is essential for human resource management in organizations. A passively active worker-the so-called Z type-exhibits social behavior with features of homo sovieticus. The authors think that a Z-type employee is not solely the product of totalitarian and communist systems. The Z attitude appears in various forms among workers in the types of economies that are characteristic of Western Europe or the USA. The aim of this study was to determine the intensity of the Z attitude among workers in two organizations with different technical cultures. The authors compared the technical cultures in Firm X and a department of Mine X.
EN
The main aim of this article is to analyze the transition from communism to post-communism in Eastern Bloc countries after 1989. Post-communism in Central and Eastern Europe gradually transformed into various forms of democracy. The political project implemented in post-communist societies is a selective kind of liberalism, which entailed a number of negative consequences. Unfortunately, in the process of transition from post-communism to liberal democracy, a very small role was played by the category of solidarity as an important virtue of social life. We need today a global expansion of solidarity as a new worldwide ethos.
PL
Głównym celem artykułu jest analiza przejścia od komunizmu do postkomunizmu w krajach Bloku Wschodniego po 1989 roku. Postkomunizm w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej przekształcił się stopniowo w różne formy demokracji liberalnej. Projekt polityczny realizowany w społeczeństwach postkomunistycznych jest liberalizmem selektywnym, który doprowadził do wielu negatywnych konsekwencji. Niestety, w procesie przejścia od postkomunizmu do demokracji niewielką rolę odegrała kategoria solidarności jako ważna cnota życia społecznego. Potrzebujemy dzisiaj globalnej ekspansji solidarności jako nowego światowego etosu.
EN
The Russian-Ukrainian war is often treated as a local conflict between two post-Soviet countries on the edge of Eastern Europe. Despite appearances, the Russian invasion can be considered as a confrontation within the once common Orthodox civilization. Russia’s self-isolation clearly shows that this country is now closing in the circle of the ‘Russian mire’, and Ukraine is moving towards Western civilization. This allows us to talk about a kind of “divorce of civilization”. In this context, on the example of the Polish minority in Eastern Ukraine, the author considers the problem of the so-called fuzzy/hybrid identity of Ukrainian citizens.
PL
Wojna rosyjsko-ukraińska często jest traktowana jako konflikt lokalny dwóch krajów postradzieckich na krańcach Europy Wschodniej. Inwazję rosyjską można jednak uznać za konfrontację w ramach kiedyś wspólnej cywilizacji prawosławnej. Samoizolacja Rosji wyraźnie świadczy, że obecnie kraj ten zamyka się w kręgu „ruskiego miru”, a Ukraina podąża w kierunku cywilizacji zachodniej. To pozwala mówić o swoistym „rozwodzie cywilizacji”. W tym kontekście, na przykładzie polskiej mniejszości na wschodniej Ukrainie, autor rozważa problem tak zwanej rozmytej / hybrydowej tożsamości obywateli Ukrainy.
EN
The article is dedicated to the Svetlana Alexievich literary works in the cultural and social context of our time. As the writer has recognized, she writes about the end of the epoch which was called homo sovieticus. She paid a great attention to the traumatic experience regardless of to whom it belongs: to the Soviet servants or theirs victims – the ones who were repressed and called dissidents. Humanistic pathos is one of the main features of Svetlana Alexievich’s writings. It overestimates the value of individuality and private life in the contemporary society.
Porównania
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2015
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vol. 16
147-163
EN
The author analyses a problem of communication between a dominant society and national and ethnic minorities. She focuses on a category of one’s/ other that regulates social relations, their cultural roots and political origin. Additionally, for the purposes of the speech, the author de-fines ‘a national state’ term based on her own research in the field. Cultural understanding of otherness is explained based on four attitudes: rejection, intolerance, tolerance and acceptance. Barriers that hamper a fortunate communication on the edge of cultures and origin from a changing geopolitical system are identified. The author illustrates the attitude towards other-ness with verbal and nonverbal communicational behaviors, investigates their causes in legal and educational systems which are the heritage of Polish People’s Republic times. She considers the following aspects that have shaped intercultural relations in Poland after 1989:– totalitarianism imprinted in social memory of people,– abolition of censorship,– globalization processes dynamics,– technological determinism of interpersonal and intercultural relations,– axiological changes.Finally, the author describes the tendencies of the above relations based on the results of re-search.
PL
Au-torka analizuje problem komunikacji między społeczeństwem dominującym a mniejszościami narodowymi i etnicznymi. Zwraca uwagę na kategorię swój /obcy regulującą relacje społeczne, ich zakorzenienie kulturowe i genezę polityczną . Ponadto definiuję na potrzeby wystąpienia, w oparciu o własne badania, pojęcie ‘państwo narodowe’. Kulturowe rozumienie inności omawia, przywołując cztery postawy: odrzucenie, nietolerancję, tolerancję i akceptację. Identyfikuje także bariery, utrudniające fortunną komunikację na granicy kultur, mające swą genezę w zmieniającym się układzie geopolitycznym. Stosunek do inności w Polsce ilustruje werbalnymi i niewerbalnymi zachowaniami komunikacyjnymi, poszukuje ich przyczyn w systemach praw-nym i edukacyjnym, które są dziedzictwem PRL-u. W swoich rozważaniach bierze pod uwagę czynniki, wpływające na kształtowanie relacji interkulturowych w Polsce po 1989 roku:– totalitaryzm utrwalony w pamięci społecznej,– zniesienia cenzury,– dynamikę procesów globalizacyjnych,– determinizm technologiczny relacji interpersonalnych i interkulturowych,– przeobrażenia aksjologiczne.Na zakończenie, na podstawie wyników badań, opisuje tendencje w zakresie omawianych relacji. 
EN
One of the characteristics of the second half of the 19th and 20th centuries was the tendency of young people to gather in youth associations and organisations. Some of these were created spontaneously and their activities were illegal, while others were created by the authorities of particular states, especially totalitarian ones. One example of such an organisation was the All-Union Pioneer Organisation, established by the leaders of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1922. Its strategic goal was to participate in the education of the new man, who was to become homo sovieticus, a higher variety of homo sapiens, in the future. The Pioneer Organisation fulfilled this task by organising children of school age (aged 9 to 14) and subjecting them to a systematic ideological and political training based on the Leninist or Stalinist model. The activities of the Pioneer Organisation were supervised by the Komsomol and additionally by the leadership of the communist party ruling the USSR. The structure of the Pioneer Organisation included groups, packs and cells. Like the Komsomol, the Pioneer Organisation also had its symbols, such as the threepointed red scarf that symbolised three generations: communists, komsomolets and pioneers, as well as a pioneer badge, a pioneer salute, a uniform, bugles and a snare drum.
EN
The political philosophy of liberalism created by Locke and Nozick treats property as a birth right, the natural right of man. The attitude to ownership in Poland is determined by the experience of individuals having been deprived of the right to property during the communist period and the restitution of property rights in the post-communist era. The guidelines of the liberal concept of property refer in the text to contemporary phenomena of attitudes to property in the area of spatial economy and the housing market.The paper attempts to indicate the need to redefine contemporary attitudes to property.
PL
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EN
This paper refers to the views of Aleksandr Zinovyev, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and, above all, Józef Tischner’s philosophical concept. They share and criticize the same area of interest, i.e. the phenomenon of homo sovieticus. In the dispute over the social nature of man, J. Tischner ponders on homo sovieticus, but first and foremost on the man that lives by the principle of solidarity, man described as homo solidaritus. Homo sovieticus “is merely a popular historical symbol”, a figure of the past. It is a subject of historical and sociological research, among others, and a modus, i.e. one of the methods of organizing human relations, which failed. The human being is not defined through the use of this name. The human being is defined by eidos, which J. Tischner mentions while analyzing the idea of solidarity. The problem of human relations, social relations, dialogue, monologue, conscience, freedom and moral human condition are the “tools” used for analyzing the subject of this paper.
PL
W pracy nawiązuje się do rozważań Aleksandera Zinowiewa, Aleksandera Sołżenicyna, a przede wszystkim do koncepcji filozoficznej Józefa Tischnera. Łączy ich wspólny, poddany przez nich krytyce, przedmiot zainteresowań – fenomen ‘homo sovieticus’. W sporze o społeczną naturę człowieka Tischner podejmuje namysł nie tylko nad fenomenem ‘homo sovieticus’, ale przede wszystkim nad człowiekiem żyjącym zgodnie z ideą solidarności, określanym w literaturze jako ‘homo solidaritus’. ‘Homo sovieticus’, „to zaledwie nośny symbol dziejowy”, postać, która przeszła do historii. To przedmiot badań między innymi historii, socjologii, to jeden z ‘modi’, czyli jeden ze sposobów organizacji relacji międzyludzkich, który się nie sprawdził. Takie określenie człowieka nie definiuje go. Człowieka definiuje ‘eidos’, o którym mówi Tischner analizując ideę solidarności. Problemy relacji międzyludzkich, stosunków społecznych, dialogu, monologu, sumienia, wolności, kondycji moralnej człowieka stanowią „narzędzia” w analizach tytułowego przedmiotu pracy.
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