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The paper deals with the relation between utilitarianism and moral intuitions in the context of philosophical justification of human rights. The author responds to Martin Hapla’s effort to show the harmony of these three categories and offers some (counter-)examples that partially complicate the idea of such harmony. In the center of the author’s attention is the question of sacrifice of the innocent. He points particularly to the issue of civilian immunity in time of war and also the issue of inadmissibility of torture. He tries to explain the difference between these phenomena, which are covered by absolute rights nowadays, and other phenomena which represent “ordinary” human rights situations. From this difference, he draws a conclusion about the utilitarian permissibility of exceptional legal sacrifices of innocents, which, however, is not in a complete accordance with our moral intuition.
EN
Modern emergency vehicle driver training demands the employment of organizational and technical solutions whichallow training in situations typical of the tasks that they undertake. Training in fast driving is one element of this process. Availabletechnologies allow us to supplement this process with training aimed at gaining an ability to react in situations too dangerous to beimplemented on the training track. Account must be taken of vehicle failures such as tyres bursting at high speed, as well as terroristattacks, chases in urban areas with heavy traffic, and so on. The driver must be able to deal with obstacles including blockages createdby other vehicles, react to deliberate collisions and attempts at “being forced off the road”, and use the vehicle as an instrument of force.All this should be undertaken in differing weather conditions with different frictional qualities of road surface and in different areas:mountains, plains, woodland, etc. The ability to implement such training in a cost-effective and at the same time safe manner canonly be done through the use of vehicle simulators. One of the few available solutions dedicated to drivers of emergency vehicles, thattake into account the requirements outlined above, is the Emergency Vehicle Driving Simulator for Typical and Extreme Conditions.
EN
This article deals with central and eastern European national legislation on private military and security companies.Since such companies became important actors and very often active participants, in many international and non‑internationalconflicts, it is an urgent need for more regulations in this sphere of international relations. Existing international law, and especiallyinternational humanitarian law does not define the term private military nor private security company. Consequently, there is noregulation of their participation in armed conflicts. The Author presents a clear point of view that there is a need for adoptionof internationally binding instrument since existing national legislations are neither sufficient nor effective. Additionally, existinggaps in both national and international legal regulations become the reasons of serious human rights violations. Soft lawmechanisms such as International Code of Conduct or Montreux Documents have not helped much in this matter, especially havenot assured adequate reparations for victims. This article analyses national law of such states like Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary,mentions the lack of regulations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and exceptions in European Union secondary regulations. Authorexamines materials of the Human Rights Council and Special Procedures Working Group on the use of mercenaries that provideclear definitions and reasoning in the topic of private military and security companies. Analyses of those documents bring a clearconclusion on the weak points of existing laws and the need why internationally binding instrument such as universally acceptedconvention is necessary.
EN
The article presents issues concerning juvenile prisoners of three special camps in Kozielsk, Starobielsk and Ostashkov. The author draws attention to the lack of definition of the legal status of minors after 1918, and thus — the lack of provisions on ensuring the safety of children in the international standards governing the treatment of prisoners of war in force during World War II and internal legal acts of the Soviet Union. The article emphasizes that the participation of children in armed conflicts was regulated as late as ten years after the outbreak of World War II in international humanitarian law, adopting on 12 August 1949 “The Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War” (Fourth Geneva Convention), under which children are entitled to special treatment or protection measures. The provisions of conventions protecting children during the war included, among others, regulations concerning the creation of special zones and sanitary facilities, evacuation from the besieged zone, provision of necessary food and clothing, provision of medical and hospital care, education or transfer to a neutral country. The author notes that the Fourth Geneva Convention does not contain a provision on special protection and care for juveniles, and that children during warfare are classified exclusively as civilian population. The circumstances of the Soviet captivity of minors after September 17, 1939, their stay in and leaving the camps, the reasons for selection, after which they were left alive and not included in the “death transports”, described in the article, make it possible to determine the number of rescued and murdered.
EN
The issue of death penalty under international law can be described by pointing out specific legal norms or lack of them in treaties regarding human rights (e.g. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights), humanitarian law (i.e. Geneva Conventions), international criminal law (i.e. Rome Statute). Moreover, international institutions address issue of death penalty in soft law and in judicature. Following history of those norms, abolistic tendencies are explicit and particularly strong in the post-World War II international society.
PL
Zagadnienie kary śmierci w aktach prawnomiędzynarodowych można opisać poprzez wskazanie odpowiednich unormowań lub ich braku w traktatach dotyczących dziedziny praw człowieka (jak np. Międzynarodowy Pakt Praw Obywatelskich i Politycznych), prawa humanitarnego (m.in. konwencje genewskie) czy międzynarodowego prawa karnego (m.in. Statut Rzymski). Organy międzynarodowe odnoszą się również do tej problematyki w tzw. soft law oraz w orzecznictwie. Śledząc historię tych unormowań, szczególnie widoczny jest trend abolicjonistyczny, charakteryzujący społeczność międzynarodową, który zauważalnie przybrał na sile w okresie po II wojnie światowej.
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EN
The article discusses the policy of unified Germany in the UN Security Council in the terms of 1995-1996, 2003-2004, 2011-2012 and 2019-2020, focusing in particular on the last two-year period. It aims to identify the main areas of German involvement and outline the process of shaping a vision of Germany's global role. The subsequent terms of Germany in the UN SC are characterized by increasing involvement, which led to taking over by Germany in 2019-2020 of the global presidency (or co-presidency) in Germany's priority areas of responsibility, which include: conflict prevention, counteracting climate change and its consequences for security, strengthening the protection of women, supporting compliance with humanitarian law and disarmament. Concomitantly a second thesis may be put forward that in these areas in the years 2019-2020 Germany’s activity took a formative form. The last German term in UN SC also showed Germany’s increasing effectiveness in integrating large groups of countries around its demands and priorities. Those theses were verified by inductive inference combining distributed source data. The research problem is explained by two approaches: (1) individualistic, interpreting Germany's aspirations to shape global politics in accordance with the assumptions appropriate to its internal documents, mainly the coalition agreements of the ruling parties, and (2) structuralist, perceiving the manner and scope of the states' involvement in the global peace and security processes as an inevitable process leading to the commonality of professed values and mutual adjustment of states.
PL
Myślenie o wojnie oznacza stawianie czoła ideom i teoriom znacznie odmiennym od tych, które napotykamy w codziennym życiu. Nawet dobrze znane koncepcje wymagają redefinicji. Pośród idei, które możemy uznać za intelektualne narzędzia wojny, należy wskazać dwie zasadnicze, towarzyszące każdemu rozważaniu o wojnie jako takiej. Są to umiar i rozsądek. Obie powinny być obecne w myśleniu o wojnie, niezależnie od tego, czy analizie poddawany jest jej polityczny, prawny, etyczny czy ludzki wymiar; i z drugiej strony niezależnie od tego, czy rozważamy jej znaczenie dla całej wspólnoty czy dla życia/losu jednostki. Przedłożona tu pierwsza część artykułu skupia się na teoretycznych rozważaniach, podczas gdy dalsze analizy będą wskazywały na konsekwencje, jakie myślenie w duchu umiaru i rozsądku wnosi do prawa dotyczącego konfliktów zbrojnych.
EN
Thinking of war means facing ideas and theories much different than those known and good established in everyday life. Even well known concept demands redefinitions. Among ideas understood as intellectual tools of war one can indicate two crucial, accompanying each consideration about war as such. Those are moderation and reasoning. Both should be present in out thinking about war, no matter if we would analyze political, legal, ethical or humanitarian dimensions of war or – in the other hand – no matter if we would consider its meaning for whole community or life/fate of individual human being. The first part of this article focuses on theoretical considerations, while further analyzes will indicate the consequences that thinking in the spirit of moderation and reasoning has in theory and practice of international humanitarian law.
EN
Following the end of the cold war, the incidence of statebuilding interventions has visibly increased in the case of dysfunctional (failed) states. Today, such interventionism in a good faith promotes liberal values and is believed to be in line with international legal regimes that makes it distinctive from neo-imperial politics. Even if state-building does not generally refer to regular warfare, it often takes analogous forms to occupation, which was codified in jus in bello at the beginning of the XXth century. While the occupation law requires occupants to maintain status quo on the occupying territory (article 43 of Hague Regulations), armed state-building is transformative by definition that seems to undermine conservative provisions of the former. The article presents traditional criteria for occupation in the Hague and Geneva conventions as well as prospects and limitations of its refinement (jus post bellum). In theory, such a redefinition could launch the formulation of the statebuilding regime, which aims to reduce deficits or double-standards in international state-building by focusing on the interests of local stakeholders of transformative projects. Hence, the Author addresses three interlocking issues: occupation within state-building, the occupation law and state-building, and transformative occupation as state-building.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie kwestii ochrony dóbr kultury jako jednego z podstawowych problemów bezpieczeństwa kulturowego oraz przedstawienie podejmowanych działań w tym zakresie. Praca rozpoczyna się od rozważania wstępnego, w którym zostaje wyjaśnione zainteresowanie wymienionym obszarem w kontekście konfliktów zbrojnych. Następnie autorka, opierając się na przepisach międzynarodowego prawa humanitarnego, a zwłaszcza Konwencji Haskiej, wymienia główne założenia prawne, a także wskazuje na działania Ministerstwa Obrony Narodowej oraz praktyczne ćwiczenia wojskowe w zakresie ochrony dóbr kultury. W artykule omówiono również kwestię współpracy cywilno-wojskowej w tym obszarze.
EN
The aim of the text is to present issues protection of cultural heritage as one the fundamental problems of cultural security and to present actions taken in this field. The construction of this study was preceded by a preliminary contemplating in which as a result of military conflict, interest mentioned in this area has begun. Then, author list the main assumptions law, based on the provisions of international humanitarian law in particular the Hague Convention. The continuation this problem is to point the activities the Ministry of National Defence and practical military exercises in the protection of cultural heritage. In the article is also a analyzed the issue of civil-military cooperation in this area. At the end of the text author summarizing the reflections on the main issues.
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