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Pułapki socjologicznej mantry. Uwagi na marginesie Petera L. Bergera Zniechęcenia do socjologii

100%
Burdziej S.
Stan Rzeczy
|
2011
|
issue 1(1)
185-192
PL
głośnym artykule sprzed kilku lat Peter Berger mówi o marginalizacji i rosnącej nieistotności socjologii, wskazując na dwie przyczyny jej upadku: dominację metod ilościowych oraz ideologizację dyscypliny, która – jego zdaniem – przejawia się w niejednokrotnie jałowym powtarzaniu „mantry klasy, rasy i gender”. W artykule zastanawiam się nad zasadnością tych zarzutów, przedstawiając je na tle szerszej debaty nad kondycją nauk społecznych i humanistyki. Pytam również o stan socjologii w Polsce, a także o przyczyny, dla których w polskim kontekście zarzuty Bergera można uznać za tylko w części trafione.
EN
In his well-known paper published several years ago Peter Berger wrote about marginalization and increasing irrelevance of sociology pointing to the two factors contributing to its demise: domination of quantitative methodology and ideologization. In his view the latter is reflected in the often unproductive repetition of the mantra of „class, race, and gender“. In my paper I ask whether these charges are somehow justified and discuss them in the wider context of recent debates over the condition of social sciences and the humanities. I ask also what is the condition of Polish sociology, and why it is so that Berger’s charges are only partially valid in the Polish context.
2
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O ideologizacji przekonań i postaw estetycznych (wokół publicznego sporu na temat artystycznej instalacji „Tęcza” na placu Zbawiciela w Warszawie)

84%
Witosz B.
Forum Lingwistyczne
|
2014
|
issue 1
27-35
EN
The main issue of the article is the process of ideologization of the discourse on modern art. The author analyses media statements following the burning down of Julita Wójcik’s art installation “Tęcza” in Warsaw. The dispute mentioned did not focus on the aesthetic judgements, but on the symbolic value of the work. Built to symbolize the tolerance for homosexuals, the installation prompted intense aggression (both physical and verbal) among representatives of the extreme right. The author juxtaposes statements coming from both sides of the conflict. What merits particular attention here is the strategy of hybridization of discourses that are mutually exclusive (discourse of tolerance and discourse of exclusion). It aims at devaluing the discourse of tolerance and “softening” the negative image of the discourse of exclusion.
3
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Ideologia wpisana w modę, czyli metody socjalistycznych władz na implementowanie nowej ideologii poprzez „politykę odzieżową” (na przykładzie wybranych państw środkowoeuropejskich i Związku Sowieckiego)

84%
Jastrzębska-Golonka D.
Dzieje Najnowsze
|
2018
|
vol. 50
|
issue 1
PL
Celem tekstu jest zobrazowanie sytuacji społeczno-ideologicznej w PRL, wybranych krajach środkowoeuropejskich oraz ZSRS poprzez analizę mody, jej funkcji w przestrzeni kulturowej oraz związków z polityką komunistycznych władz traktujących ją jako broń przeciwko wrogom i pomost porozumienia między zubożałym społeczeństwem a elitą władz. Na przykładzie typowych dla problemu ideologizacji mody trendów i motywów ukazane zostały sposoby kreowania tożsamości narodowej socjalistycznych społeczeństw. The purpose of the article is to picture the socio-ideological situation in the Polish People’s Republic, selected Central Eastern European countries and the USSR through an analysis of fashion, its functions in the cultural space, and its links with policy of the communist authorities who regarded it as a weapon against foes and a platform of agreement between the pauperised society and the elite of power. On the basis of examples typical of the problem of ideologisation of fashion of trends and of motifs, the author presents ways of creating of national identity in socialist countries.
4

Reguły dyskursu obywatelskiego a mechanizmy dyskursu publicznego (na przykładzie stowarzyszeń i ruchów działających na rzecz edukacji)

84%
Ciesek B.
Prace Językoznawcze
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2018
|
issue XX/3
24-47
EN
The article discusses some discursive practices in the current discourse on education in Poland. The research showed that some cognitive and interactive aspects of civil discourse shape axiological, ideological and political contexts. The condition of current public debate in Poland, dominated by ritual chaos strategies, antagonizing social actors and idealizing the debate’s subject, has also got an influence on the bottom-up initiative in discourse. The analysis demonstrated that the new symbolic elites take communicative patterns of the dominating discourse and they create neither their own forms nor strategies of participating in the public discourse that could belong to civil society practices (eg. communicative strategies based on dialogue and agreement, nonreactive forms of social activities).
5
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Przeciw wykluczeniu. Konceptualizacje współczesnej polskiej kobiety z perspektywy dyskursu feministycznego

84%
Ciesek B.
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Linguistica
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2017
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vol. 51
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issue 1
11-28
EN
The article presents polish woman conceptualisation fordem in a current feminist discours. In the perspective of it women identity charactericed as being discriminated and excluded from the public. One of the discoursive strategy of changing social order is constructing an publishing the image of woman whose ablithies and predispositions make her capable of taking social and job position equally with the men’s. On the other side tere is a image of average, dominated and restrieced by the offensive patriarchal coulture. Entities of feminist discourse, while fighting for an symbolic authority, use opposithional categories: man - woman, conservatism - liberalism, patriarch - equality, tradition - modernity, passivity - dynamizm and public - private.
PL
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6
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Współczesny dyskurs polityczny a zjawisko nowomowy

84%
Skowronek B.
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Linguistica
|
2016
|
issue 11
110-118
EN
In the article I discuss the problem of contemporary Polish political communication. In its communicative dimension, the contemporary mediatized reality has become an area of functioning of polarized and linguistically and ideologically separate communities: media broadcasters with their offer and separate recipient groups (with different competencies). The polarity of worldview and its linguistic realizations is the most visible in the Polish official political discourse. In the media it is realized mostly by linguistic activities of purely ideological character. Such polarized political discourse of the media has led to ideologically charged ‘double vision’ of reality and its conceptualization ‘Us – Them’ being the most characteristic trait of the contemporary media communication in our country. The phenomena discussed above, typical for current political discourse, are worrying because they draw our attention to a linguistic – and seemingly historical – category: to newspeak.
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Konsekwencje ideologizacji kooperatyzmu polskiego

67%
Cwynar K. M.
ΣΟΦΙΑ. Pismo Filozofów Krajów Słowiańskich
|
2018
|
vol. 18
117-131
RU
Одним из основных принципов кооперативного движения, принятого в XIX веке, было правило политического (и религиозного) нейтралитета. Несоблюдение этого принципа означало подчинение кооперативной деятельности политическим интересам, определяемым политическими движениями или государственными органами. Политизация кооперативизма привела к искажению идеалов этого движения. Возрождение польской государственности после второй мировой войны было отмечено марксизмом-ленинизмом как правильное направление для формирования политической системы коммунизма. Это означало отрицание политического нейтралитета и автономии кооперации. Автор указывает на положительные и отрицательные последствия тогдашней идеологизации польского кооперативизма в их теоретическом и практическом измерении.
EN
One of the basic principles of the cooperative movement, adopted in the nineteenth century, was the rule of political (and religious) neutrality. Disobey this rule led to the merger or even subordination of the cooperative’s activities to political interests presented by political movements or state authorities. Politicization of cooperatism resulted in a distortion of the ideals of this movement. The rebirth of Polish statehood after the Second World War was marked by marxism-leninism as the right direction for shaping the political system. This meant the negation of political neutrality and autonomy of the cooperatives. The author points to the positive and negative effects of the ideologization of Polish cooperatism in their theoretical and practical dimension.
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