The article examines the mural paintings in the Smíškovský Chapel in the Church of St Barbara in Kutná Hora to determine the probable origin and training of the unknown artist behind them. The paintings were created between 1488 and 1492 to decorate the burial chapel of Michal of Vrchoviště and they are among the most important painted monuments from late mediaeval Bohemia. They constitute a conceptually sophisticated representation of salvation, in which the central scene is the Crucifixion painted on the east wall. The paintings are the result of an intricate mixture of artistic influences and are evidence of the close ties that existed at that time between society in Kutná Hora and major central European cities. They show reflections of the works of the Early Netherlandish painters and Italianate themes, which may have served as sources of inspiration for the artist, who was probably based in the area of Southern Germany in the 1470s and 1480s, and there is clear evidence of his links to Nuremburg. Based on formal similarities identified in these paintings there are grounds to assume that the artist had some contact with the epigones of Rogier van der Weyden or their works. While it cannot be ruled out that the artist himself spent time in the Southern Netherlands, there is very little evidence of any direct ties to Italy. In the conclusion of the article the author attempts to identify the artist and puts forth two hypotheses that agree with a newly proposed dating for the paintings. The presence of the unknown artist in Kutná Hora coincides with the period during which Master Briccius was working as a stonemason on completing the Church of St Barbara. From this the author concludes that if Master Briccius, who was known in archival records not only as a stonemason, but also a painter, was not himself the creator of the paintings, then the artist could have been one of his immediate associates. Alternatively, the author suggests a North European painter in a group of Italian painters whom archival records indicate were working in Kutná Hora for King Vladislas II at the time the paintings were created.
The Serbian writers from recent decades try to investigate aquestion of old age, antagonisms between generations and periodisation of the life stages in contex of social changes in the modern Europe. That article intends to show two very different ways of thinking about that problems and their discoursive background.
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U stvaralaštvu savremenih srpskih pisaca teme uzrasta, starosti, antagonizma između generacija irazličitih načina periodizacije egzistencije se posmatraju ukontekstu aktuelnih društvenih promena uEvropi. Ovaj članak donosi analizu dva različita načina književnog govora onavedenim problemima atakođe onjihovom diskurzivnom tlu. Upitanju su savremena poezija Matije Bećkovicia istvaralaštvo Biljane Srbljanović.
The main objective of the article is to describe the main trends in the reception of the Hispano-American poetry in Poland in the second half of the 20th century. The analysis carried out on the basis of the bibliographical data demonstrated that political factors were more important than artistic ones when the decisions concerning the choice of works to be published were made. Therefore, the most well-known Hispano-American poet in Poland was Pablo Neruda, presented to the Polish reading public as a communist activist who used his poems as a weapon in the struggle for a better future. For the same reason the Cuban post-revolutionary poetry became popular in Poland. In general, Hispano-American poetry did not arouse much interest of critics nor readers.
The text follows a previous article, published in this journal under the title “The rhetoric of power of the rulers of the New Kingdom in the first half of the 18th Dynasty”. The main aim is to conclude the topic and provide an outline for the second half of the 18th Dynasty (about 1400–1300 BC) which represents the peak of the ancient Egyptian foreign policy and particularly diplomacy as one of its tools, as well as the following gradual decline in Egyptian influence in the Near East towards the end of the Dynasty.
In the article the author examines the conceptualisation of the notion of power by the contemporary right in Poland. Its methodological basis is provided by studies of the image of the world constructed from a specific point of view integrated with a discourse analysis. In this approach power is seen as a linguistic construct, while various profiles reveal close links to socio-cultural determinants as well as ideological codes. Discursive strategies employed in this case take advantage of the bipolarity of the assessment of social phenomena with stereotypical value judgements, emotionalisation of utterances and dichotomous division of the world.
The paper intends to examine Eric Voegelin’s philosophy of history, distinguishing its several stages. The main thesis of the paper is that Voegelin’s philosophy of history is atypical when compared to the famous representatives of the genus. For Voegelin “meaning of history” is a perverted, ideological concept, obscuring the real relationship between man and history because man cannot grasp its “meaning” from a vantage point. Voegelin attempts to provide history rather as a “web” endowed with a “noumenal depth,” rather than the linear, “historiogenetic” history, subdued to chronology. The main characteristic of history is no longer its chronological structure but its structure of an “experience of an encounter.”
This paper shows the analysis of the Zygmunt Bauman’'s thought in his marxist period (1960s). Article starts with Bauman’'s statement on importance of social sciences and humanities in the building of socialist Poland’'s Peoples Republic. Then author analyzes category of „ideology”, a four main modern ideologies: conservative, liberal, ideology of christianity and communist. Next chapter is focused on the issue of class warfare. This paper contains also general characteristics of terms „alienation” and „commodity fetishism” in Marxian thought. Young Bauman was communist and radical follower of the marxism. In conclusion, author in short underlines, that ideology could be helpful in scientific enterprise, but only, if thinker is consciously choosing ideology and knows its strong and weak sides.
The author is attempting to follow the influence of various ideologies on the way nature, gardens and landscape are perceived. She discusses the 17th century, and the relationship of a geometrical garden to French absolutism (Versailles), the influence of the British liberal thought on the idea of a casual garden (J. Addison and the Whigs Party), dependence between the idea of freedom and the way the role of nature was understood in the times of the French Revolution (J.J. Rousseau), The Cult Of Nature (J.W. Goethe, A. Humboldt) and nationalistic and racist motifs in German nature (W.H. Rhiel and the wildlife conservation movement), in the gardens (W.P. Tuckermann, W. Lange) and in the landscape (Bismarck’s monuments and towers) in the 19th century and in the first half of the 20th century. The author refers to the connection between eugenics and the idea of garden city and the influence of the German neo-religious movements on the landscape (cemeteries in Seelefeld and Hilligenloh, The Sacred Grove of Saxons Sachsenhein).
The purpose of this paper is to present and analyse a problem of legitimation of power during the Gomułka᾽s regime in the Polish People᾽s Republic. Political rhetoric and practices of that time led to constructing (not representing or recalling) a picture of the past in a collective imagination. The issues presented in this paper are connected with an anthropological category of myth and sacrum, and they allowed for the study of a question of identity and ideology connections. This text refers to the political background of the 1960s, which is necessary to analyse and explain some of the activities of the then government. The author of this article tries to show a different (antropological) perspective in studies of the 20th-century history, by focusing on the phenomenon of an official celebration of the 1000th anniversary of the Polish State.
The author is tracking down a peculiar trend in the poetry of Nicaraguan poet Ernesto Cardenal, which matches two traditionaly opposing ideas: the Christian doctrine and the communist ideology within the so called “liberation theology”. The paper points out the inventive and revolutionary nature of the marriage of ideas present in the political poetry of Cardenal.
This paper is meant to be a brief account on Louis Althusser's theory of ideology formulated in Ideology and ideological state aparatusses and on its epistemic conditions of possibility. As such, it can also be seen as a sort of its critique in a Kantian sense. The author traces functional and structural analogies between Althusserian notion of "subject of interpellation" and Cartesian concept of subjectivity. In conclusion, Althusser's theory of ideology is shown to be strictly a post-Cartesian one. As such, it is perhaps not well suited to analyze non- or pre-Cartesian societies. But more importantly, we may ask: is it possible to think of some radically different, post-Cartesian, and thus post-capitalistic future while still using Cartesian categories?
This paper analyses two peritexts preceding a Polish version of Bartolomé de Las Casas’ A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies, put to press in 1956 and 1988 by two catholic publishing houses, PAX and “W drodze”, respectively. Based on three basic criteria of contrastive analysis, i.e. content, interpretation suggested by their authors and verbal form, the study revealed that both paratexts are marked by the catholic orientation of Mieczysław Żywczyński and Wojciech Giertych, however to a different extent. They are also influenced by the historic moment in which they have been conceived. As far as the form is concerned, they turn out outdated because of some notable obsolete features used in introductions and references, unacceptable these days, but at the same time they keep an interesting historical mark.
Popular culture, now being a medium of social dialogue, has stopped being perceived as a register of “lower” existential experiences, and its creations became the testament not of a cultural degradation, but of creativity of its authors, who seek fiction clichés which offer a new look at the deeply rooted social phenomena. Thus, if it is done with inertia and awkwardness typical for the subject, its potential of “explaining the world” should not be underestimated.
In his interdisciplinary work Ideology (1998), Teun A. van Dijk proposes to study ideology as a cognitive, social and linguistic enterprise. Such an integrative approach is assumed to model interfaces between social structure and cognition through discourse. The notion of ideology it presupposes may be described as shared social representations (group self-schemata), which become a group's defining attributes, and govern its ideological expression in discourse. It seems that this approach can be productively applied to a study of ideological relations in the discourses of multicultural societies, such as Britain.In the wake of the London bombings in July 2005, the British rightwing quality weekly the Spectator published a series of articles raising alarming questions about the misguided ideological priorities of modern Britain, and envisioning a deepening crisis of national identity. According to the magazine, the heritage and values of mainstream British society are being endangered by the political promotion of multiculturalism. This in turn has instigated terrorist threats from Islamic extremists, who have been nurtured by the British welfare state and emboldened by its permissive policies. Thus the increasing ideological split between the militancy of the non-integrated Muslim minority in Britain and the decadence of national culture has become the subject of a number of articles. As a result, one of the pervasive discursive mechanisms emerging in the publication has been an ideological confrontation between "us" and "them"The aim of the present study is to survey the pragmatic and rhetorical devices used to construct the image of British society tied in a discursive struggle to define its modern identity-oscillating between the ideals of multiculturalism and the ideology of nationalism. The material for the study is taken from over fifteen articles that come from three subsequent issues of the Spectator published on 16, 23, and 30 July 2005. The methodological framework of the study draws on the research procedures of Critical Discourse Analysis accommodated to the analysis of ideological discourse in the press.
The dominant ideology of a society seems to possess the means to infiltrate an individual’s conscience with relative ease. From the perspective of the functions of language, we intend to investigate those fundamental characteristics of the ideological discourse that reify the left-right dichotomy in Romanian politics.
It has to be pointed out that in the second half of the 20th century the public discourse was dominated mainly by two phenomena. Namely, to put that notion in short, the change of our culture from a word-centric into image-centric one. As well as the decrease of the importance of the worldview-ideological disputes. The aim of this article is to indicate the effects of these phenomena on the social life. The authors point out to the consequences of the decrease in the role of the intellectual motifs in favour of the growing importance of the emotions when making a political-based decision. Thus, the concentration of the voters’ attention on the personality of the politician, not on his or hers views, achievements or political program. Hence, one may observe the decrease in the role of the political party in the political life at the national level and the diminishment of the inner-party democracy and its direct effect, namely, widely seen growth of demagogy and populism.
The author is trying to reconstruct the causes of moral panic around the concept of gender and she is searching for reasons why this category is used in the Polish press with the term "ideology". Justifying the relevance of gender for pedagogy, she compares the arguments of the supporters and opponents of spreading scientific reflections about gender roles in school. Seeking opportunities for dialogue between researchers and essayists, she asks about the role of educators in re-thinking the gender theory and stresses urgent need to engage in a public debate.
The article discusses Piotr Kurpiewski’s book Historia na ekranie Polski Ludowej [History on the screenof Polish People’s Republic]. Kurpiewski uses the concept of the politics of history to show the relationship between Polish postwar films and their political context. He examines the production process of individual films from the moment of their making to the moment(s) of their reception. From this point of view the historical film becomes one of the main ideological instruments, serving to legitimize the then sociopolitical regime.
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