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EN
Review of a book: Alexandra Xanthaki, Sanna Valkonen, Leena Heinämäki and Piia Nuorgam (eds.), Indigenous Peoples’ Cultural Heritage: Rights, Debates, Challenges, Brill-Nijhoff, Leiden-Boston: 2017
Ad Americam
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2016
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issue 17
11-32
EN
The purpose of this article is to give a brief overview of the evolution of the socio-political and legal status of indigenous peoples in the Republic of Peru, and to present one particular example of the struggle for respect and implementation of their rights, as enshrined in international documents and the Constitution of Peru (1993). In the article the historical and problematic perspective has been assumed, discussing the problem from Colonial times, when important decisions were made by the Spanish administration regarding legal and political aspects of indigenous peoples’ status. Next it is discussed the Republican period, which was characterized by a policy of integration and forced acculturation of indigenous peoples into Creole-mestizo mainstream of society. Then the article focuses on the 20th century and the first attempts to acknowledge the diversity and cultural and ethnic identity of the indigenous population, albeit as part of a paternalistic indigenism movement. Finally, it examines the recent decades, which saw the introduction of multicultural policy principles in the form of particular amendments to the Constitution and ratification of major international documents relating to the rights of indigenous peoples. This last period is characterized by a new model of relations between the state and indigenous, and represents an official effort to move away from discriminatory and marginalizing attitudes towards the Indian community, although implementation of multicultural principles is still a very difficult process due to the ossified and inflexible system of dependency and indolence at the level of local administration. The article concludes with a case study of Comunidad Nativa Tres Islas (Madre de Dios), one of the native communities which has for years been fighting for the implementation of a favorable decision of the Constitutional Court of Peru, which at the regional level is still not respected.
EN
Contemporary Slavery and the Struggle for Self-Determination: The Case of the Guaraní People from the Bolivian ChacoFor over a century, the Bolivian Guaraní people have been subjected to infrahuman treatment which involved practices such as slavery, forced labor and servitude. The new agrarian legislation, aimed at reversing the concentration of the economic and social power in the hands of a small regional elite, represented a shift in a state policy, facilitating the access of indigenous peoples to collective land property and thereby enabling them to break away from the conditions of debt bondage and forced labor. The article examines the current situation of the Guaraní and focuses on the changes and challenges that have been introduced to their way of life due to the implementation of the clearing title process which brought about a partial reconstitution of their territory. It presents the recent data on their struggle to redefine and reconstruct their cultural identity and places emphasis on specific cultural elements considered valuable by the Guaraní society: territorial management, native language, customary law and wider inclusion of women in decision-making structures within the indigenous political organization. Współczesne niewolnictwo i walka o autodeterminację: casus kultury Guaraní z boliwijskiego Chaco Przez ponad stulecie boliwijscy Indianie Guaraní byli przedmiotem nieludzkiego traktowania z powodu praktyk takich jak niewolnictwo, praca przymusowa oraz poddaństwo. Reformy agrarne, których celem była redystrybucja władzy ekonomicznej i społecznej, skoncentrowanej w rękach niewielkiej regionalnej elity, spowodowały zmianę w polityce rządowej, gwarantując dostęp ludów tubylczych do kolektywnej własności ziemi. Proces ten umożliwił przedstawicielom kultury Guaraní zerwanie zależności wynikających z systemu pracy przymusowej i więzienia za długi. Niniejszy artykuł jest poświęcony obecnej sytuacji Indian Guaraní, a w szczególności zmianom i wyzwaniom, którym muszą stawić czoło w związku z uzyskaniem tytułów własności ziemi oraz częściową odbudową utraconego terytorium. Omówione zostały aktualne dane związane z walką o ponowne zdefiniowanie i odbudowanie kulturowej tożsamości tej grupy, jak również specyficzne elementy kulturowe, uważane za wartościowe przez społeczność Guaraní, w tym zarządzanie terytorialne, język ojczysty, prawo zwyczajowe oraz szerszy udział kobiet w strukturach decyzyjnych ruchu indiańskiego.
EN
The author presents selected ventures in the area of climate change mitigation and adaptation that negatively affect indigenous peoples. Against this factual background, she analyzes relevant international legal regulations. Such an analysis enables the answer to the main research question: can climate change adaptation and mitigation actions be the justification for disrespecting the rights of indigenous peoples? The research method adopted is legal- -institutional analysis which includes an examination of the content of legal and other documents. Combined with critical analysis of literature and media reports this analysis allows representation of the reality – violations of the rights of indigenous peoples as a part of efforts to counteract climate change. Recommendations and main findings include: climate change adaptation and mitigation measures may not justify violations of the rights of indigenous peoples; such measures have to be developed in collaboration with indigenous communities; indigenous peoples’ rights may not be perceived as a factor hindering the State’s economic development or an obstacle to environmental protection; indigenous knowledge should be included in the strategies to combat climate change. Indigenous peoples should be regularly consulted by policy makers so that the their traditional knowledge is incorporated in decisions regarding these matters.
EN
The paper concentrates on the right to self-determination of indigenous peoples on the basis of the Nisga’a Nation. The author analyzes the most important provisions of the Nisga’a Final Agreement, in particular those envisaging self-determination of the Nisga’a Nation. Then the author briefly examines the Nisga’a Constitution which may be regarded as a means to implement the Nisga’a Final Agreement. It shows how the Nisga’a selfgovernance model fits into the provisions on self-determination of indigenous peoples. The thesis of this paper is that the Nisga’a self-governance is consonant with international legal standards expressed in the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Nisga’a selfgovernment model is much more than just cultural autonomy: it actually amounts to political autonomy. This subject is worth exploring because it may serve as a pattern to be followed with reference to other indigenous peoples, not only in Canada.
EN
The paper is an overview of the participation of the northern indigenous peoples in the public management of the Arctic territories in Russia. Different forms of participation are described, and most attention is paid to the co-management of the governments and the indigenous peoples when their mutual aim is protecting the Arctic and its natural landscapes in the period of extensive industrial development. The principle objective of the paper is to analyze the international and national legal regulations and to show some effective legal mechanisms through which participation can be developed in Russia. The authors study definitions of participation, the main international principles of participation and give a deep analysis of the legislation of the Russian Federation, which provides the framework for indigenous participation. Much attention is paid to the legislation of the federative regions of Russia which are inhabited by the northern indigenous peoples. Mostly the authors study the example of the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Area, the Arctic area of Russia with the biggest gas reserves, inhabited by the Nenets. The first conclusion made in the paper is that the Arctic countries must not only prioritize the exploitation of rich Arctic resources, but also be aware that the Arctic is primarily the home and the area of the traditional lifestyle and occupations of the northern indigenous peoples who have lived there for a long time. The northern indigenous peoples are interested in cooperation with the governments according to their traditional values and knowledge; they want to be involved in the decision-making process and management of their territories and resources. The second conclusion is that a patchwork of federal laws regulating indigenous issues in Russia does not grant any special rights that let the northern indigenous peoples participate in the decision-making process concerning the lands and resources in the Arctic areas. The federal government mostly implements the concept of paternalism but not the concept of participation. The federative regions in their regulations provide considerably more opportunities for participation. However, the regions are quite restricted by the federal legislation. The regulations are fragmentary on both the federal and the regional levels, there is no system of public authorities providing for consultation, cooperation, agreements and other forms of indigenous participation. Moreover, in Russia there is very little experience in the realization of the participation of the Arctic territories and resources. The third, and most important, conclusion is that participation in the management of the Arctic territories should become a new element of the Russian Arctic policy. From this perspective it is necessary to ratify and sign two international documents – Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention No. 169 and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples – and to incorporate the basic principles of participation into the Russian federal legislation. Also it is vital to establish a specialized federal body on indigenous issues with a special focus on the northern indigenous peoples. Lastly, the legal and administrative capabilities of regions and local authorities should be increased, and the regional and local bodies should be vested with the power to involve indigenous peoples in the management of the northern territories.
EN
This paper concentrates on a particular example of cooperation between European cities and indigenous peoples of the Amazon river basin, namely that of Climate Alliance. The New Urban Agenda adopted at the UN Habitat III conference in October 2016 emphasizes that cities and other human settlements should meet the challenges and take advantage of the opportunities for current and future sustainable and economic inclusive development. Cities should also take measures to address climate change and protect and manage their ecosystems, water resources, the environment and biodiversity. Indigenous peoples, just like cities play a crucial role in the fight against climate change. 80 % of the territories with high biodiversity level are indigenous lands. Their indigenous ecological knowledge may serve as a valuable tool in initiatives aimed at fighting climate change. The aim of the paper is to show whether there are any benefits of such cooperation and what is its significance in the fight against climate change. The main research question is: what are the forms of cooperation between European cities and Amazonian indigenous peoples in the framework of Climate Alliance? In which way can European cities support indigenous peoples in their fight for their rights and consequently for the nature’s preservation? The hypothesis is that European cities may learn from indigenous peoples of the Amazon how to combat climate change.
EN
The work concerns the restitution of museum remains as a special cultural asset found in archaeological museums. The research problem concerns reverence towards human remains constituting museum exhibits on the example of Singapore museums. This type of museum inventory has become the subject of intensified restitution activities on the part of tribal minorities, indigenous peoples, who claim the right to them based on the right to worship after their deceased ancestors, the right to protect cultural, religious, and traditional heritage. Such law is based particularly on the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The research objective focuses, first of all, on the legal grounds resulting from the Declaration, and secondly, on the analysis of the inventory of selected Singaporean museums, which contain exhibits that are human remains in their collections. The main research hypothesis focuses on the statement that Singapore, as one of the few Asian countries, maintains a special regime of pietism towards the deceased, which is manifested in the way of treating and storing human remains as museum exhibits. It may be due to the country’s cultural conditions on the one hand, and religious and legal conditions on the other. That, in turn, translates into the approach of museums to restitution claims, which are increasingly being put forward by representatives of indigenous peoples in connection with the return of the remains of their deceased ancestors. These claims find their legal basis in acts of international law and collective human rights. Therefore, the work answers the questions whether museums in Singapore duly respect international law in protecting human remains and the rights of indigenous peoples, and how this translates into reverence for this type of exhibits in museum practices in connection with ICOM regulations.
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2017
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vol. 20
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issue 1
75-96
EN
For many years, indigenous peoples, their rights, culture and identity have been neglected. This depressing statement also refers to the Sami who reside in the Arctic. This paper presents the understanding of the term “indigenous peoples” and a number of their rights, including the right to selfdetermination. Their implementation is necessary for human security as they empower indigenous peoples to make decisions in matters that affect them. The author examines the concept of human security and the threats to this security in the Arctic in particular to the Sami as well as the most important provisions in international legal documents regarding the rights of indigenous peoples which include references to human security.
EN
Brother Luis Jerónimo de Oré’s Symbolo Catholico Indiano was the most important and authorized sixteenth century treatise for the evangelization of the native Andean peoples. In its pages we find a vivid image of Andean reality immediately after the Conquest and a fervent exposition of the Catholic faith inspired in the recent Councils of Trent and Lima. The treatise also presents the missioning methods that served the Franciscans and other priests of the Viceroyalty for the evangelization of the indigenous peoples. Above all, in this text we find an admirable exposition of the theological doctrine and catechetical practice in the anthropological perspective that forms its starting point, which is the Andean man or woman who had never heard a message of salvation and dignity for the human person. Brother Luis Jerónimo de Oré Rojas OFM was born in Huamanga in 1554 (now the geographi- cal Department of Ayacucho in Perú). He was a zealous missionary who travelled throughout the colonizers’ territory, from the extreme north of Florida to the extreme south of Chile. As an intelli- gent linguist he was the author of important rituals and catechisms in Quechua and Aymara. He was one of the first bishops born on the American soil, and the first to be incorporated into the Native Indian Council and the Vatican hierarchy; as a bishop he stood out for his protection of aboriginal groups and his energetic defense of the cultural integrity of Native Indian nations.
PL
Francuscy jezuici odegrali znaczącą rolę w pierwszej ewangelizacji rdzennej ludności Ameryki Północnej na początku XVII wieku. Skupili się na ewangelizacji plemion Huronów i Irokezów, które pozostawały w ciągłym konflikcie ze sobą. Posługi ewangelizacyjnej nie łączyli z intere sami handlowymi krajów kolonialnych, zwłaszcza Francji. Po kilkunastu latach byli już w stanie przekazać prawdy ewangeliczne w językach plemiennych, będąc mocno zanurzonymi w lokalnej kulturze. Stali się prekursorami inkulturacji Ewangelii. Misjonarze charakteryzowali się głęboką duchowością chrystologiczną, zakorzenioną w kontemplacji krzyża, dlatego potrafili znosić trudy ewangelizacji. W wyniku przemyślanych strategii mocarstw kolonialnych wywołujących spory plemienne musieli stawić czoła licznym przeciwnościom, co ostatecznie wielu z nich doprowadziło do męczeństwa. Ich misyjny wysiłek stał się drogą do osobistej świętości i niezastąpionym wkładem w umocnienie nowo utworzonych wspólnot kościelnych na amerykańskiej ziemi.
EN
The French Jesuits played a significant role in the first evangelization of the indigenous peoples of North America in the early 17th century. They focused on the evangelization of the Huron and Iroquois tribes which remained in constant conflict with each other. In their work they cut themselves off from the commercial interests of colonial countries, especially of France. After a dozen or so years, they were already able to convey evangelical values in tribal languages, being firmly immersed in the local culture. Thus, they were precursors of the inculturation of the Gospel. The missionaries were characterized by deep Christological spirituality, founded on contemplation of the cross, and, therefore, able to endure boldly the hardships of evangelization. As the result of the vile strategies of colonial powers stirring up tribal disputes, they faced numerous misfortunes, and, ultimately, many of them suffered martyrdom. Consequently, their missionary effort became a path to personal holiness and an irreplaceable contribution to the strengthening of the newly established Church communities on the American soil.
EN
The increasing indigenous demand for the recognition of the ri-ghts of indigenous population is a part of a history of mistreatment and abuses. The article seeks to analyze four aspects that are behind the indigenous mobilization: mo-dern law, strengthening of the indigenous movement, international organizations, and transnational capitalism.
ES
La creciente demanda indígena por el reconocimiento de sus dere-chos es parte de una historia de maltratos y abusos sufridos. Se analizan cuatro ver-tientes que están detrás de la movilización indígena: el cuestionamiento al derecho moderno, la vigorización del movimiento indígena, la acción de organismos interna-cionales, y el capitalismo transnacional.
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La etnopolítica en Bolivia

63%
EN
The article aims to present the mechanisms that led to the emer-gence of ethnic movements in Bolivia, a country where the indigenous population was characterized, until recently, by a lack of national consciousness. This was due to the fact that previous governments had a policy of assimilation of the ethnic population to achieve a controlled and uniform society. Even so, at the end of the 20th and the be-ginning of the 21th century, as a result of the neoliberal reforms of the late 80's. there was a dynamic development of ethnic movements, politicized and highly differen-tiated. This politicization of ethnicity was considered the leading strategy for creating the political parties and achieve their political goals.
ES
El objetivo del artículo es presentar los mecanismos que provoca-ron la aparición de los movimientos étnicos en Bolivia, un país donde la población indígena se caracterizaba, hasta hace poco, por una falta de conciencia nacional ya que los gobiernos anteriores aplicaban una política de asimilación de la población étnica hasta la consecución de una nación controlada y uniformada. A pesar de eso, a caballo de los siglos XX y XXI, como consecuencia de las reformas neoliberales de finales de los años 80., tuvo lugar un desarrollo dinámico de los movimientos étnicos fuertemente politizados y muy diferenciados. Esa politización de la etnicidad era una estrategia para constituir partidos políticos y conseguir sus fines políticos.
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„INDIANIN” W ŚWIETLE PRAWA

63%
PL
Artykuł wskazuje, w jaki sposób akty prawne o charakterze międzynarodowym i krajowym, bezpośrednio lub pośrednio definiują pojęcie „Indianin”. Okazuje się, że kwestią problematyczną i dotychczas nieuzgodnioną ostatecznie, jest zdefiniowanie kategorii nadrzędnej, jaką jest funkcjonujące w międzynarodowej przestrzeni prawno-politycznej określenie tubylec. Omawiane kraje radzą sobie z tą kwestią na różne sposoby, odnosząc się do niej w swych ustawach zasadniczych, aktach prawnych o mniejszej wadze, a także tworząc kryteria przyjmowane dla przeprowadzania powszechnych spisów ludności. Wnioski wynikające z relacji pomiędzy kryteriami i wynikami spisów, dobitnie świadczą, iż język używany w przestrzeni społecznej jest samospełniającą się przepowiednią kształtującą rzeczywistość.
EN
The article analyzes how the international and national legal acts, directly or indirectly, define the term “Indian”. It turns out that defining a parent category which is native, operating in the international legal and political space, is a problematic issue which has not yet been settled. The mentioned in the article countries deal with this issue in different ways, referring to it in their constitutions, legal acts of less importance, as well as creating criteria for conducting population censuses. The relationship between the criteria and the results of these censuses clearly shows that the language used in the social space is a self-fulfilling prophecy shaping the reality.
EN
Economic globalization and communication have triggered new external and internal logic in Nation States the impact of which has been differentiated across countries. In the case of Mexico, migration, indigenous group movements and organize d crime are challenging the conventional relations between State and Nation. This article analyzes the way Mexico-United States migration and the demands of indigenous peoples challenge the structures of State and National identity. It describes how the war waged by the current government against organized crime is shattering state institutions. Nation, State and democracy, are facing the challenge of a spatial, symbolic and institutional reconfiguration.
EN
The study analyzes the existing legislation of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) regarding the Representative for the Rights of Small Indigenous Peoples of the North. The analysis of legal acts makes it possible to indicate the legal framework for the status of the Representative of the Rights of Small Indigenous Peoples of the North as one of the mechanisms of nationality policy towards small indigenous ethnic groups in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). The analysis has been conducted considering systemic, comparative and dogmatic approaches. The study indicates good solutions, as well as the inadequacies of the mechanism for the legal protection of small indigenous ethnic groups of the North by the Representative. The author concludes that there is a need for further development of Sakha (Yakutia) legislation on the Representative for the Rights of Small Indigenous Peoples of the North.
PL
W pracy dokonano analizy obowiązującego ustawodawstwa Republiki Sacha (Jakucja) w zakresie dotyczącym Pełnomocnika Praw Małych Rdzennych Ludów Północy. Egzegeza aktów prawnych pozwoliła wskazać ramy prawne statusu Pełnomocnika Praw Małych Rdzennych Ludów Północny jako jednego z mechanizmów polityki narodowościowej wobec małych rdzennych grup etnicznych w Republice Sacha (Jakucja). Przeprowadzona analiza uwzględnia podejście systemowe, porównawcze oraz dogmatyczne. Wskazano dobre rozwiązania, a także niedociągnięcia w mechanizmie prawnej ochrony małych rdzennych ludów Północy przez Pełnomocnika. We wnioskach wskazano na potrzebę dalszego udoskonalania ustawodawstwa Sachy (Jakucji) o Pełnomocniku Praw Małych Rdzennych Ludów Północy.
ES
En el presente artículo se efectúa un análisis de la situación jurídica de los pueblos indígenas en Venezuela. En los años 90., la llamada “década de los pueblos indígenas”, aparecieron nuevas formas legales e institucionales en cuanto a la representación y participación de las comunidades indígenas en el marco del funcionamiento de los órganos e instituciones estatales. En la República Bolivariana de Venezuela, los derechos de los pueblos indígenas, garantizados por la Constitución de 1999 y otras leyes promulgadas en los años 2001-2009, se basan en la definición de la nación multiétnica y multicultural. Así pues, está bien fundada la pregunta si la pertenencia a un grupo étnico du-rante la transformación sistémica puede convertirse en el capital político. Por lo tanto, se propone reflexionar sobre las soluciones jurídicas e institucionales así como también los dilemas que aparecen en relación con la representación y participación. Para conseguir los objetivos propuestos se analiza la posición de los pueblos indígenas sobre la base de las normas jurídicas de los años 1999-2009, el alcance y las formas de la representación política y participación de la población indígena en el proceso de la transformación sistémica. Propongo la tesis de que la participación de los pueblos indígenas venezolanos en la actividad del Estado y la co-responsabilidad para su funcionamiento, respetando la soberanía y autonomía de los indios, están con-dicionadas por la evolución del proyecto político del gobierno de Hugo Chávez.
EN
This article analyzes the legal status of indigenous peoples in Venezuela. From the beginning of the 90's, the so-called “Decade of Indigenous Peoples”, new legal and institutional forms of representation and participation of indigenous population were created within the framework of state entities and institutions. In the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela the rights guaranteed to indigenous peoples by the Constitution of 1999 and other laws promulgated in the years 2001-2009 are based on the definition of a multi-ethnic and multicultural nation. Thus, there arises a question whether belonging to an ethnic group has become political capital during the transformation of the political system. Therefore, the proposal is to reflect upon the implemented legal and institutional solutions as well as the dilemmas that arise in the area of representation and participation. In order to achieve the proposed goals the author analyzes the position of in-digenous peoples on the basis of the legal regulations from the years 1999-2009, as well as the scope and forms of political representation and participation of indigenous population in the process of the political system transformation. In my opinion the parti-cipation of Venezuelan indigenous peoples in the activity of the State and their co-responsibility for its functioning, as well as respecting sovereignty and autonomy of Native Americans, are conditioned by the evolution of the Hugo Chávez government's political project.
EN
Accompanying the movements in the time and space of the processes of domination of the peoples and territorialization of the indigenous lands, we present an analysis on the initial geohistorical conditions of the Brazilian territorial formation and of the colonial occupation in Sergipe, placing as material bases of these conditions the sesmarias, the missionary process, and indigenous enslavement at the São Francisco River. To this end, we emphasize geography as a theoretical-methodological framework possible to apply as an active element in the search for the exemplification of the conflict that we try to explain.
ES
Acompanhando os movimentos no tempo e espaço dos processos de dominação dos povos e territorialização das terras indígenas, apresentamos esse texto como uma análise sobre as condições geo-histórias iniciais da formação territorial do Brasil e da ocupação colonial em Sergipe, situando como bases materiais destas condições as sesmarias, o processo missionário e a escravização indígena no Rio São Francisco. Nesse intento, enaltecemos a geografia como um arcabouço teórico-metodológicos capaz de ser apropriado como elemento ativo na busca pelo equacionamento da conflitualidade que nos propomos a compreender.
PL
Od przełomu wieków coraz głośniejszym echem wybrzmiewają wysuwane przez Saamów żądania dotyczące zwrotu zagrabionych dóbr kulturowych przechowywanych w muzeach i placówkach naukowych Szwecji. Ważną ich częścią są szczątki Saamów zbierane przez dekady przez archeologów i antropologów fizycznych. Artykuł przedstawia konflikt, jaki rozgorzał pomiędzy naukowcami a przedstawicielami rdzennej społeczności, skupiając się na jego podłożu, przebiegu oraz argumentach wysuwanych przez obie strony. Wskazuje i podkreśla wiele istotnych aspektów omawianego sporu. Po pierwsze wzmiankuje, że zbiory powstawały z pogwałceniem praw i opinii rdzennej społeczności, na skutek niszczenia miejsc pochówków oraz w wyniku działania naukowców podejmujących badania bez uwzględnienia woli Saamów. Po drugie podnosi, że znacząca część szczątków zebrana została przez antropologów fizycznych i posłużyła do budowania teorii rasowych, w tym do wskazywania na podrzędność Saamów jako przynależnych do rasy żółtej. Po trzecie podkreśla, że żądania rdzennych społeczności pobudzane były przez proces ich emancypacji i postrzegane jako jego część. Po czwarte sygnalizuje, że na przebiegu konfliktów zaważył brak systemowego (ustawowego) uregulowania sposobów i miejsc przechowywania szczątków oraz mechanizmów ich zwrotu i ponownego pochówku. Doprowadziło to do sytuacji, w której każdy zbiór szczątków od nowa uruchamia te same konflikty i prowokuje do wymiany wciąż tych samych argumentów.
EN
Since the turn of the century, the Sami demands for the return of looted cultural goods stored in Sweden's museums and research facilities have become louder and louder. An important part of them are the remains of the Sami collected for decades by archaeologists and physical anthropologists. The article presents the conflict that has occurred between scientists and representatives of the indigenous community, focusing on its background, course and arguments. The paper indicates and highlights a number of elements that are particularly important in this dispute. First, that the collections were created in violation of the rights and opinions of the indigenous community, as a result of the destruction of burial sites and of the actions of scientists without taking into account the will of the Sami. Secondly, a significant part of the remains were collected by physical anthropologists and used to create racial theories, including pointing to the subordinate Sami as belonging to the yellow race. Third, that the demands of indigenous communities were stimulated by the process of their emancipation and understood as part of it. Fourthly, that the conflicts were affected by the lack of legal regulation of the procedures and places of storing the remains as well as the mechanisms for their return and reburial. This led to a situation in which each collection triggers the same conflicts and provokes the same arguments to be formulated.
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