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The rise of complexity in inflectional morphology

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This contribution is meant to deal, among the papers devoted to complexity in naturalness theory, with the rise of inflectional complexity in first language acquisition and in diachronic change. These two sections are preceded by an introduction devoted to the conceptualisation of inflectional complexity within the theory of Natural Morphology and to explicating factors of morphological complexity. The focus will be on unproductive patterns in acquisition after the child’s detection of morphological (de)composition. Additional topics will be the role of the naturalness parameters of transparency, iconicity, (bi)uniqueness, and of figure and ground. Main topics of the third section on diachrony will be distributed exponence and the control of three classical claims on diachronic change by Natural Morphology in studying changes from Latin to Romance languages.
EN
The fact that the Lemko language is placed in the ethnolinguistic Western Slav-ic area next to the Polish language, which is dominant from the sociolinguistic point of view, has had and continues to have a significant impact on its development. Consequently, the Lemko language, similarly to other (Slavic) micro- languages, should be considered susceptible to changes resulting from the im-pact of exogenous factors, which can be observed even on a morphological level, which is generally perceived as particularly resistant to external influ-ences. However, research conducted on the basis of material from the spoken corpus of the Lemko language shows that not all linguistic changes currently taking place in that language have been caused by the impact of Polish.
EN
Most SLA theories and models have recognised cross-linguistic influence (CLI) as an important or even the major factor determining the second language acquisition, which, in interaction with other factors, determines the likelihood of the transferability of a given structure in a given context. Interlingual identifications made by learners between the first (L1) or formerly learned (Ln) and target language (TL) enable both positive and negative transfer from the L1/Ln, depending on the learners’ perceptions of the convergence or divergence of the L1/Ln and TL patterns. However, largely due to the visibility of non-target like language usage, the majority of studies on the CLI have focused on the negative outcomes of the issue or dealt with the CLI without separately tackling the positive and negative influence. In closely related languages like Finnish and Estonian with their rich inflectional morphology, the L1 influence is clearly seen in bound morphology, and its outcomes are considerably more often positive than negative. The paper aims to explore how and why learners’ perceptions of similarity do or do not get realised as positive CLI in inflectional morphology, on the basis of the following two databases: 1) thinking aloud protocols and retrospective interviews on an experimental inflection test of Estonian high school students learning Finnish as a foreign language; 2) longitudinal video-taped data of Estonian primary school children learning Finnish as a second language in a preparatory class. The results indicate that both second and foreign language learners benefit from similar inflectional patterns when they perceive cross-linguistic similarity and then apply a pattern similar to L1 and TL. For foreign language learners, the two main reasons of rejecting the converging morphological patterns of L1 and TL are: 1) a psychological barrier, avoiding “too” similar patterns in Estonian and Finnish, causing the repetition of the pattern during analogical processing; 2) competition between analogical and rule-based production, which is supported by foreign language instruction. In learning closely related inflectional morphology, system learning for production precedes item learning for production both in second and foreign language learners.
EN
The present study investigates the production of novel morphologically inflected forms in secondlanguage learners of English with Czech as L1. The study attempts to investigate which production model (single- or dual-route) best accounts for L2 learners’ morphological productivity when forming regular past forms of novel words. Additionally, it explores the possible interference effects of L1. 88 English L2 learners and 9 native speakers heard sentences in which a new activity was described with a novel word (The baby likes to dize. Look, there it is dizing. Everyday it dizes.) and past-tense forms were elicited (So yesterday it…). The results revealed that for native speakers the likelihood of a verb being produced in a regular past-tense form was inversely related to its phonological similarity to existing irregular verbs (replicating previous studies). L2 speakers showed a development in this direction: While for the A1 to B1 participants similarity to existing irregulars did not matter, B2 and C1 participants appeared to be sensitive to these similarities and behaved comparably to native speakers. In addition to the form analysis, the reaction-times results showed that the lowest language levels used their L1 as a performance facilitator (with slower performance with novel words that do not respect the phonology of the participants’ L1), while proficient learners and native speakers were not sensitive to this property of the novel words. The results suggest that the L2 acquisition of the English past-tense is characterized by a development from the mastery of mechanistic rules to the refinement of their application based on analogical patterns extracted from existing verbs, with Czech promoting the production at the earliest proficiency stages.
EN
Fossilization describes the end state of an L2 learner’s grammar, usually a deviant form of the target language. Since L2 learners tend to develop different interlanguage grammars during acquisition, fossilization appears complex and problematic. Thus, the term stabilization, which represents the L2 learner’s interlanguage at a particular point, was suggested. This study investigates the two concepts to determine the point of their occurrence in L2 learners’ interlanguage. Two sets of data (oral production and composition) collected at an interval of seven years from two groups of Yorùbá native speakers whose L2 is English (Beginner and Advanced) with a focus on inflectional morphology revealed that while some errors disappeared from the interlanguage of learners in both groups, they still committed similar types of earlier errors despite the seven-year interval but at a lesser rate. This confirmed the existence of different levels of error, i.e., stabilization. The results revealed that after the interval, inflectional errors across both groups were not static (fossilized) but changed (stabilized) due to different factors. This confirms that, while the stabilization of L2 features can be identified and established, it is usually difficult to identify fossilized features.
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