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2020
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vol. 57
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issue 2
129-144
PL
W prozaicznej ścianie, transparentnym elemencie scenerii życia, wiersze Stanisława Grochowiaka pozwalają odkryć konkret egzystencjalny, materię obdarzoną niesamowitym potencjałem hipnagogicznym, kronikę „przedmiotowości”. Ściana w imaginarium poety stanowi zarówno obiekt empiryczny, jak i fenomen, wykraczający poza ontologię materii, co warunkuje jej semantyczną płynność: raz przypomina antropologiczny dokument (miejsce inskrypcji kulturowej/biograficznej), kiedy indziej – substrat surrealistycznej wizji lub tworzywo artefaktu; może jawić się granicą strefy psychicznego komfortu bądź unaoczniać wewnątrzcielesną płaszczyznę, którą – niczym ściany prehistorycznych jaskiń – pokrywają archetypowe obrazy z epoki dzieciństwa (ludzkości). Szkic ten, zainspirowany kontekstami z pola historii sztuki, psychoanalizy oraz zwrotu ku rzeczom, jest próbą rozpoznania znaczeń koncentrujących się „na ścianie” w utworach: „Płonąca żyrafa”, „Malarstwo”, „Zejście” i „Ars Poetica”.
EN
Through a simple wall, a transparent element of everyday life, Stanisław Grochowiak’s poems enable one to uncover the existential concrete element, matter endowed with an amazing hypnagogic potential, a chronicle of ‘objectness’. In the poet’s imagined world, the wall constitutes both an empirical item and a phenomenon, which transcends the ontology of matter, which determines its semantic fluidity: at one point it resembles an anthropological document (a place of cultural/biographical inscription) only to, a moment later, resemble the basis for surrealist visions or the material of an artifact. The wall seems to be the limit of the zone of mental comfort or, e.g., expose the in-body plane, which, like the walls of pre-historic caves, is covered with archetypal images from (the) childhood (of humanity). This study, based on contexts in art history, psychoanalysis, and a material turn, is an attempt at identifying the references which focus “on the wall” in the following works: “Płonąca żyrafa”, “Malarstwo”, “Zejście”, and “Ars Poetica”.
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2017
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vol. 65
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issue 9: Sinologia
69-86
EN
The name of the poetic inscriptions on the Chinese paintings refers to those poems that describe or criticize images, but are necessarily part of the picture, that is, were written on them. However, along with the practice of inscribing poems, the inscriptions have adopted double meaning, referring to those and other poems that were physically included in the images, even if they did not depict or criticize the image, or if at a distant way they referred to the subject of the original image as The other border art genre proves extremely important in the study of Chinese poetry and painting, and presents various textual patterns of poetry-painting relations.
PL
Miano inskrypcji poetyckich na obrazie w malarstwie chińskim odnosi się do tych wierszy, które opisywały czy krytykowały obrazy, ale też koniecznie stanowiły element obrazu, czyli były na nich zapisane. Wraz jednak z praktyką inskrybowania wierszy inskrypcje przyjęły podwójne znaczenie, odnosząc się także do tych i innych wierszy, które były fizycznie zapisane na obrazach, nawet jeśli nie przedstawiały czy krytykowały obrazu, lub jeśli w odległy chociaż sposób nawiązywały do tematu oryginalnego obrazu. Jako gatunek z pogranicza innych sztuk inskrypcja okazuje się niezwykle ważna w badaniach nad chińską poezją i malarstwem i przedstawia różne wzorce tekstowe relacji poezja–malarstwo.
EN
In this study, we refer to the example of Wierzbica, where one of the largest and best-preserved post-immigration cemeteries in today’s Tomaszów Lubelski poviat is located. For the purposes of this text, we use material collected during the field exploration in 2014–2016, which the author developed and published in the form of catalogs in the Ukrainian and Polish language versions. In the proposed publication, we would like, first of all, to draw your attention to the richness of the tombstone inscriptions.
EN
Emblem as a genre composed of words and images is an extremely interesting research object. Hidden in the allegorical picture content is being developed and read in two stages: the inscription — which is often quote (taken out of the works of well–known authors), and signature — presenting the author’s thoughts about the complexity of the world, human and their physical and metaphysical relationships. Article shows how the allegorical picture hides or reveals creator’s reflections, how the correlation between words and ideas with the image looks like, as well as legibility (or illegibility) of artistic vision in itself helps (and whether it helps) in the interpretation of the text. Also tries to answer the question of whether and how in today’s “pictorial culture”, the young recipient is able to read and interpret old Polish emblems.
PL
Bracia Benedykt i Jan, uczniowie Romualda, na prośbę Ottona III przybyli do Polski, by nawracać pogan. Wkrótce do włoskich pustelników dołączyli polscy bracia Izaak i Mateusz, którzy pomagali im w nauce języka słowiańskiego. Eremici oraz sługa Krystyn ponieśli śmierć w 1003 roku z rąk napastników, którzy chcieli ukraść pieniądze, przekazane przez księcia Bolesława na wyprawę do Rzymu po zgodę papieża na prowadzenie działalności misyjnej. Choć eremici zginęli w napadzie rabunkowym, w dodatku z rąk chrześcijan, papież wkrótce uznał ich za męczenników i zezwolił na kult. Ich żywot jest stosunkowo dobrze udokumentowany – najwcześniejszy i najbardziej wiarygodny żywot pięciu braci, autorstwa Brunona z Kwerfurtu, spisany został już kilka lat po ich śmierci, lecz pozostawał nieznany do 1883 roku. Drugim wczesnym przekazem jest żywot św. Romualda autorstwa Piotra Damianiego, z 1041 roku. Z męczennikami wiązano jeszcze jedno zagadkowe dzieło – tablicę nagrobną, odnalezioną w 1959 roku przy zewnętrznej ścianie północnej absydy romańskiej katedry w Gnieźnie, uważaną przez większość badaczy za najstarszy zabytek epigrafiki na ziemiach polskich. Identyfikacja wspomnianych inskrypcji braci wojowników z jedenastowiecznym męczennikami budzi jednak wiele wątpliwości. Artykuł omawia zarówno te kwestie, jak i związane z rozwojem kultu braci męczenników.
EN
Brothers Benedict and John, students of Romuald, came to Poland at the invitation of Otto III to convert pagans. Soon the Italian hermits were joined by Polish bro- thers Isaac and Matthew, who helped them in learning the Slavic language. The hermits, as well as Christinus, well killed in 1003 by thugs who wanted to steal money given by Duke Boleslav to an expedition to Rome, which was aimed at obtaining papal consent for conducting missionary work. Although the hermits died as victims of a robbery, killed by fellow Christians, the pope canonized them as martyrs. Their lives are relatively well-documented: the earliest and the most credible story of the five brothers by Bruno of Querfurt was written as early as five years after their death, although remained unknown until 1883. Another early account is the life of St. Romuald by Piotr Damiani of 1041. The martyrs have been also associated with yet another mysterious work – a gravestone unearthed in 1959 at the external wall of the north Roman apse of the Gniezno Cathedral, considered by most researchers the oldest epigraphic item on the Polish soil. However, the identification of the warriors mentioned in the inscription with 11th century martyrs raises many doubts. The article discusses the above matters, as well as the subject of the development of the worship of the martyr brothers.
EN
The collection of the State Archive in Olsztyn holds a highly unusual item: a decorative inscription concerning the monks and donors of the Franciscan Observants monastery in Barczewo. It is a 200 by 100 cm, oil-on-canvas painting, whose textual part is composed of a decorative title, an outline of the monastery’s history, the list of donators, as well as of the deceased fathers and friars covering the period between 1599 and 1817. The fundamental content is organised into five columns. The painting was decorated with a composition of a geometrical ornament, a vine, and a bordure of skull and bones suspended on a ribbon. The dissolution of the order, which took place in 1830, led to the dispersal of the Franciscan legacy. In view of a small number of extant sources from the suppressed monastery, the plaque seems all the more valuable. The inscription, due to a poor state of preservation, has not been made available for research so far, a situation which the restoration works currently in progress will help to change.
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EN
A recently finished study of early Christian epitaphs that contain the term adiuro or coniuro to protect the tombs shows that ignoring these instructions would be penalized with a series of draconian punishments. Relevant curses and punitive formulas were borrowed from the Old and New Testaments. Inter alia the culprit should be punished by means of anathema, the eternal damnation. In recent years Konrad F. Zawadzki has intensively dealt with anathema in the literary sources of the early church and pointed out that the punishment was used in doctrinaire disputes against heretics. The use of the term in Latin inscriptions, which has not been studied so far, is the focus of this study. The eleven relevant inscriptions dating from the 6th to the 8th century are analyzed epigraphically and theologically. They are directed against moral offenses and point to a later expansion and popularization of the meaning of anathema.
PL
Ukończone niedawno badania nad chrześcijańskimi epitafiami zawierającymi terminy adiuro lub coniuro zwracają uwagę na to, że owe epitafia – mające na celu chronić groby przed profanacją – grożą klątwą każdemu, kto ośmieliłby się naruszyć miejsce pochówku zmarłych. Używane w tym kontekście groźby i sankcje karne niejednokrotnie zapożyczano ze Starego lub Nowego Testamentu. Profanacje grobów podlegały między innymi anatemie, skazującej profanatorów na karę wiecznego potępienia. Konrad F. Zawadzki, który w ostatnich latach intensywnie zajmował się użyciem terminu „anatema” w źródłach literackich, zwrócił uwagę na to, że sankcja anatemy we wczesnej literaturze chrześcijańskiej stosowana była przede wszystkim w kontekście sporów dogmatycznych z heretykami. Użycie terminu „anatema” w łacińskich inskrypcjach, które do tej pory nie było jeszcze nigdy przedmiotem badań naukowych, a które w niniejszym przedłożeniu poddane jest szczegółowej analizie, ukazuje, że kara anatemy – skierowana przeciwko profanatorom grobów – dotyczyć mogła w pierwszej linii nie odstępstw dogmatycznych, ale przewinień moralnych. Prezentowane i omawiane w artykule jedenaście inskrypcji łacińskich zawierających termin „anatema” i datowanych na czas między VI a VIII wiekiem jest wymownym dowodem na to, że sankcja anatemy – początkowo stosowana jedynie w kontekście dogmatycznym – z biegiem lat zaczęła obejmować nowe „przeklęte” obszary.
EN
The paper is focused on the figure of the predecessor of grand župan Stephen Nemanja. The name of thismysterious person has not been preserved in any source. However mentions in different sources enable toresearch major facts in his life. On the basis of convergent evidence of several sources, his name can bereconstructed as Stephen Tihomir. He was born probably about 1105 as the first son of one of membersof Vukanović dynasty – Stephen Vukan or Zavida. In his childhood he spent a few years in Zeta wherehis father escaped from Raška. There is no data about Tihomir until the year 1165 when he was appointedgrand župan by the emperor Manuel Komnenos. During his short reign he was driven by his brothersto capture the youngest one – Nemanja. However Nemanja managed to flee and take over the throne.Nemanja’s brothers had to escape. They came back with the Byzantine troops commanded by TheodorPadiates but they lost in the battle near Pantino. One of the brothers was drowned in the Sitnica river then.Most scholars believe it was Tihomir but more careful analysis of sources suggests it was another brotherof Nemanja (maybe his name was Constantin), not his predecessor. It is hard to say what happened toTihomir after the battle – maybe he lived in Skopie, maybe he came back to Serbia, acknowledged hisyoungest brother supreme power and received his own principality. If he had come back, he would havedied before September 27th 1186.
PL
The paper is focused on the figure of the predecessor of grand župan Stephen Nemanja. The name of thismysterious person has not been preserved in any source. However mentions in different sources enable toresearch major facts in his life. On the basis of convergent evidence of several sources, his name can bereconstructed as Stephen Tihomir. He was born probably about 1105 as the first son of one of membersof Vukanović dynasty – Stephen Vukan or Zavida. In his childhood he spent a few years in Zeta wherehis father escaped from Raška. There is no data about Tihomir until the year 1165 when he was appointedgrand župan by the emperor Manuel Komnenos. During his short reign he was driven by his brothersto capture the youngest one – Nemanja. However Nemanja managed to flee and take over the throne.Nemanja’s brothers had to escape. They came back with the Byzantine troops commanded by TheodorPadiates but they lost in the battle near Pantino. One of the brothers was drowned in the Sitnica river then.Most scholars believe it was Tihomir but more careful analysis of sources suggests it was another brotherof Nemanja (maybe his name was Constantin), not his predecessor. It is hard to say what happened toTihomir after the battle – maybe he lived in Skopie, maybe he came back to Serbia, acknowledged hisyoungest brother supreme power and received his own principality. If he had come back, he would havedied before September 27th 1186,
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