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EN
European Union (EU) membership constituted an important element for the stabilization and modernization of democratic institutions in post‑1989 Central‑Eastern Europe (CEE). While public opinion support for European integration has not been uniform in the region, trust in European institutions has been consistently higher than confidence in domestic institutions in the region. EU structures and policies have been often perceived as necessary and efficient, especially where domestic institutions were failing. However, the financial and economic crisis of the first decade of the 21st century has seriously undermined such perceptions of output legitimacy of EU institutions and, consequently, support for the European integration project and trust in supranational institutions has been eroding in the whole of the EU. In this context, the goal of the article is to explore the possible link between CEE citizens’ evaluations of the financial, economic, and political crisis within the EU and their institutional trust in a multilevel political system.
EN
Compared to Western Europe, the new democracies of East-Central Europe (ECE) demonstrate substantially lower levels of institutional trust. Because trust in state institutions is an indicator of the public approval and legitimacy of a political system, low trust levels are a cause for concern. The paper addresses a particular aspect of this broad issue by focusing on how country-level wealth and inequality and individual-level economic situation and sociotropic evaluations affect institutional trust in ECE in comparison with Western Europe. A multi-level analysis performed on the 2010 European Social Survey dataset reveals that substantial differences exist between the two sides of the continent. While sociotropic measures show a uniformly strong, positive association with institutional trust, the marginal effect of relative income is positive in Western but negative in East-Central Europe. Moreover, although social inequality is inversely related to institutional trust, four ECE countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia and Slovenia), where relatively low inequality is accompanied by low levels of institutional trust, deviate from the general trend. The paper suggests that the causes of these differences may be attributed to the interplay between specific characteristics of ECE political economies and the strongly egalitarian attitudes of East-Central European citizens.
EN
Whereas economic grievance and the political opportunity structure could be the basis for understanding Ukrainian youth political participation and institutional trust, to date, no one has systematically applied the necessary contextual information to survey data to make this claim. To study these topics with survey data, we would need to match this context to the specific fieldwork periods in which the survey data was collected. In this article, I match the economic and political situations of young adults in Ukraine with the fieldwork periods of the European Social Survey (ESS) from 2004 to 2012. This facilitates the use of ESS to test theories of grievance and political opportunity structure. I found that periods of economic grievance do not neatly align with trends in participation and trust. The possibility is open for the continual low participation and trust to be associated with the political opportunity structure provided predominantly by political parties during mass uprisings.
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2021
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vol. 213
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issue 1
87-102
EN
Numerous studies into the links between interpersonal trust and confidence in state institutions have been conducted since Putnam made the study of trust popular in the early 1990s. As might be expected, both interpersonal and institutional trust tend to be strongly correlated at the individual and the aggregate country level. However, there have been no attempts to determine whether (i) interpersonal trust results from trust in political institutions, (ii) whether the reverse is the case-confidence in government is a precondition for the development of individual trust, or (iii) there are purely reciprocal associations between these attitudes that would appear empirically as a lack of causality. Using data from the European Social Survey 2010 we test these three possibilities using a recursive model
EN
This article explores why citizens express varying levels of trust across six institutions of political representation within the Czech Republic using a set of rival models. In addressing this question, this study argues that systematic differences in institutional trust are related to salience. Institutions with high visibility or salience to the public, i.e. government, lower chamber and president, will be trusted on the basis of their perceived political and economic performance. In contrast, institutions that are less salient to citizens are not evaluated on the basis of performance but on more diffuse criteria. Competing models of trust are divided into two groups. Top down explanations emphasise what institutions do; and hence focus on political and economic performance. Bottom up accounts of institutional trust refer to social mechanisms such as values, culture and knowledge. The empirical results presented in this study reveal that trust in salient political institutions is more strongly shaped by political performance. Otherwise, there is no systematic pattern to the determinants of trust in political institutions. These results suggest that citizen trust in political institutions emerges from a variety of top down and bottom up mechanisms, where salient institutions are different in that they are evaluated more on the basis of the political performance of office-holders.
Przegląd Socjologiczny
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2013
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vol. 62
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issue 4
67 -94
PL
Artykuł koncentruje się na dwóch zagadnieniach dotyczących funkcjonowania społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. W pierwszym kroku podjęto próbę pomiaru stopnia partycypacji obywatelskiej Polaków w jej zinstytucjonalizowanej i spontanicznej formie z uwzględnieniem wpływu zmiennych demograficzno-społecznych na skalę tego zaangażowania. Działalność sformalizowaną analizowano w odniesieniu do uczestnictwa w stowarzyszeniach sportowych, kulturalnych, religijnych i realizujących cele wspólnot lokalnych, natomiast w działalności niesformalizowanej dokonano rozróżnienia na inicjatywę lokalną i sąsiedzką. Istotne w tym punkcie było również wskazanie zależności pomiędzy aktywnością stowarzyszeniową a inicjatywami podejmowanymi spontanicznie. W kroku drugim skonfrontowano postawy osób zaangażowanych i niezaangażowanych obywatelsko (stowarzyszeniowo i spontanicznie) wobec socjalno-redystrybucyjnych funkcji państwa realizowanych przez rząd. Dopełnieniem tego wątku było porównanie osób aktywnych i biernych pod względem poziomu satysfakcji instytucjonalnej uwzględniającej ocenę gospodarki, rządu, demokracji, edukacji i służby zdrowia oraz poziomu zaufania instytucjonalnego względem parlamentu, systemu prawnego, policji, polityków i partii politycznych. Analizę empiryczną przeprowadzono w oparciu o dane Polskiego Generalnego Sondażu Społecznego z roku 2008 i Europejskiego Sondażu Społecznego z roku 2010.
EN
The article focuses on two issues relating to civil society. The first step is an attempt to measure the degree of civic participation of Poles in its institutionalized and spontaneous form including the impact of socio-demographic variables on the scale of this commitment. Formalized activities were analyzed in relation to participation in sports associations, cultural, religious, and pursue the objectives of local communities, while the activities of non-formal distinction is made on the initiative of local and neighborhood. Important at this point was also measured the correlation between association activity and spontaneous initiatives. In step two contrasted attitudes of those involved and uninvolved civic participation (association and spontaneous) to social and redistributive functions of the state carried out by the government. Complementing this thread was a comparison of active and passive in terms of institutional satisfaction includes the assessment of the economy, government, democracy, education and health services and the level of institutional trust in the parliament, the legal system, police, politicians and political parties. Empirical analysis was based on the Polish General Social Survey (2008) and European Social Survey (2010).
PL
Artykuł przedstawia wybrane stanowiska w toczonej od kilku dekad debacie dotyczącej kryzysu zaufania do władz publicznych. Jedną z kluczowych kwestii jest zapewnienie równowagi pomiędzy zaufaniem, niezbędnym do sprawnego funkcjonowania systemu demokratycznego, a uzasadnioną nieufnością obywateli, konieczną do ich społecznej kontroli. Pytanie to nabiera szczególnego znaczenia w sytuacji niskiego poziomu zaufania wobec władz publicznych i rosnącej popularności radykalnych ruchów społecznych i politycznych. Zdaniem wielu badaczy, zawodność dotychczasowych mechanizmów instytucjonalizacji nieufności stanowi istotne zagrożenie dla dotychczasowego porządku społecznego i politycznego.
EN
The paper presents selected positions emerging in debate over the causes and effects of trust in institutions that has been going on for several decades. One of the key issues is the question of the balance between trust, ne-cessary for the efficient functioning of the democratic system, including public institutions, and the distrust of citizens, necessary for their social control. The above question becomes particularly important in a situation of low public trust in government and growing popularity of radical social and political movements. According to many researchers, the failure of the existing forms of institutionalization of distrust poses a significant threat to the current social and political order.
EN
Abstract the article aims to verify the assumption about the relationship between the quality of state institutions and institutional trust in Russia and Ukraine. This objective was achieved in two stages. Firstly, based on the European Value Survey and macrosocial and macroeconomic indicators, the place of Russia and Ukraine in the European ranking of institutional trust (survey data) and the ranking of the quality of state institutions (macro indicators) was determined. Additionally, based on aggregated data at the individual country level, the strength of the relationship between the positions of these countries in both rankings was tested. Secondly, using the data of the World Value Survey, the relationship between individual, subjective assessments of the social and political effects of the functioning of the state and institutional trust in Russia and Ukraine was tested. Based on the conducted analysis, several conclusions were formulated. First, regarding the quality of state institutions, Russia and Ukraine ranked last in Europe. Secondly, while Ukraine took an adequate position regarding institutional trust, Russia’s position was disproportionately high. Third, subjective ratings of institutional performance proved to be significant predictors of institutional trust in both countries, although their predictive power was higher among Ukrainians than among Russians.
PL
Celem artykułu była weryfikacja założenia o związku pomiędzy jakością instytucji państwa a zaufaniem instytucjonalnym w Rosji i na Ukrainie. Cel ten realizowano w dwóch etapach. Po pierwsze, na podstawie danych Europejskiego Sondażu Wartości (European Value Survey) oraz w oparciu o wskaźniki makrospołeczne i makrogospodarcze, wyznaczono miejsce Rosji i Ukrainy w europejskim rankingu zaufania instytucjonalnego (dane sondażowe) oraz w rankingu jakości instytucji państwowych (wskaźniki makro). Dodatkowo, w oparciu o dane zagregowane na poziomie poszczególnych krajów, sprawdzono siłę związku pomiędzy pozycjami tych krajów w obu rankingach. Po drugie, wykorzystując dane Światowego Sondażu Wartości (World Value Survey) testowano zależności pomiędzy indywidualnymi, subiektywnymi ocenami społecznych i politycznych efektów funkcjonowania państwa, a zaufaniem instytucjonalnym w Rosji i na Ukrainie. W oparciu o przeprowadzoną analizę sformułowano kilka konkluzji. Po pierwsze, pod względem jakości instytucji państwa Rosja i Ukraina uplasowały się na ostatnich pozycjach w Europie. Po drugie, o ile Ukraina zajęła adekwatną lokatę pod względem zaufania instytucjonalnego, o tyle pozycja Rosji była niewspółmiernie wysoka. Po trzecie, w obu krajach subiektywne oceny efektów działania instytucji okazały się istotnymi predyktorami zaufania instytucjonalnego, aczkolwiek ich siła predykcyjna była wyższa wśród Ukraińców niż wśród Rosjan.
EN
Legal protection of trust in the area of financial services is a very important subject, which finds reflexion in contemporary law, both European as well as national one. Financial services constitute, as a matter of fact, products of trust, which means that the evaluation of their properties, the relation of the quality to the price, the risk resulting from concluding the contract become known to the non-professional buyer after concluding the contract. In such circumstances, the non-professional party is forced to act in trust to the information received from the financial institution, and failure to provide the buyer with the obligatory information or providing it in an non-transparent form may lead to appearance of disturbances in the efficient functioning of market mechanisms, on which the price of the service should reflect the information about its quality and risks connected with it. The article provides an insight into the area of trust and precontractual information duties as an institution addressed to protect parties’ trust one to another. The scope of the article covers the area of financial services, in particular credit and investments.
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