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EN
This article was made after reading the monograph of Professor Richard Skarzynski ‘Anarchy and polycentrism. Elements of the theory of international relations’. The author put in his book the question: ‘Is the theory of international law characterized by many contradictions or even erroneous propositions, because erroneous perception of internationally reality by its creators?’. Exemplification of contrary assertions of empirical experience in international law is, for example, the principle of equality of states. The doctrine of international law increasingly recognizes that the development of international law – by agreement or law-making activities of bodies such as international organizations – the principle of equality of states does not reflect the actual relationship. Skarzyński indicates that the consensus in international relations is complicated by the fact that there is no uniform concept of a peaceful arrangement of these relations, as there is no compatible conception of the state, nation, and the different civilizations use the multiple concepts and are based on different values. It seems that apart from differences of definition, different ideas of political and social institutions in a polycentric world, particularly troublesome is the inability to develop a global ethics. Ethics is after all a factor in determining the final shape of legal norms. The organization of the human species implies a lack of uniformity of international law. Uniformity can at best be partial and bottom-up, for example by agreement of the Member Agreement, or from above, i.e., imposed by force by other countries.
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Regional Security Community: European Union in Action

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PL
This paper investigates the possibility of the new global international system, basing on the constructivistic interpretation of the “pluralistic security community” concept by K.W. Deutsch. Major tendencies in the international politics, which led to the securitization of the international agenda, are analyzed. The main attention is paid to the European Union as a regional security community. The conceptual backgrounds of European security area are analyzed through the process of EU development and political behaviour. An idea of regional security communities’ synergy as a new political order in the international relation is proposed.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14762
EN
Currently, when the world is no longer divided into two political-military blocks, local conflicts have ceased to be a surrogate training ground of rivalry between two superpowers. In most cases, they do not therefore constitute a direct threat to the world peace. Although, after the collapse of the Eastern bloc, local conflicts have lost their strategic dimension, we still have to deal with increasing number of new trends among the conflicts in the world. They cause political instability in various regions and bring substantial suffering to the people, and death, famine and epidemics. Their development brings new challenges, and thus the new visions of the future of the world around us.
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2014
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vol. 7
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issue 1(12)
67-81
EN
While media coverage of the 2008 South Ossetia War in Ukraine has been explored a little, the domestication of it has not yet become an object of research. Th e concept of news domestication is relatively new and underdeveloped in Ukrainian media studies. Previous research of media coverage of the 2008 South Ossetia War was either limited to the period of the war or was devoted only to its press coverage. Current research intends to fi ll the gap in the study of media discourse in Ukraine and to present an insight in the 2008 South Ossetia War TV coverage and its domestication.
EN
The evolution of the regional system of cooperation for peace and security in Africa led to the formation of institutionalized methods and forms of cooperation within the framework of regional international organizations (Organization of African Unity, African Union) and the creation of the African Peace and Security Architecture. One of the important forms of activity within it became peacekeeping operations. Maintenance, building and peace enforcement missions have become part of the strategy to shape the international environment in which security is a prerequisite for the smooth implementation of development goals. African international forces heretofore have participated in stabilization operations in countries such as Chad, Rwanda, Burundi, the Comoros, Sudan, Somalia and the Central African Republic.
PL
Tekst przedstawia rolę dwóch istotnych czynników rozwojowych Chin w XXI wieku – innowacji oraz surowców naturalnych. Analiza literatury sugeruje, że Chiny zbliżają się pod względem innowacyjności do państw Zachodnich, natomiast poważnym wyzwaniem będzie zapewnienie odpowiedniej ilości surowców, niezbędnej dla procesów modernizacji. Brak przełomowych innowacji prowadzących do większej efektywności wykorzystania zasobów każe przypuszczać, że w XXI wieku wzrost gospodarczy Chin, wymagający surowców z innych części Świata, będzie czynnikiem generującym konflikty międzynarodowe.
EN
The paper investigates the role of two key factors that will determine China's development in the XXI century – innovation and natural resources. What can be implied from literature is increasing convergence between China and the West in terms of innovation. Chinese demand for resources, indispensable for processes of modernization, seems to be more important issue. The lack of breakthrough innovations, leading to increased efficiency of resources consumption, allows to draw a conclusion that China's economic development, fuelled by resources imported from distant parts of the world, will ignite international tensions.
PL
Rozpad ZSRR w 1991 r. otworzył Turcji nowe możliwości współpracy z państwami Południowego Kaukazu, tj. Gruzją, Armenią i Azerbejdżanem. Niestety obszar ten nie jest wolny od konfliktów. Z punktu widzenia Turcji najbardziej problematyczny pozostaje konflikt o Górski Karabach między Armenią i Azerbejdżanem. Jest on jednym z elementów, który uniemożliwia Turcji uregulowanie relacji z Armenią. Z kolei w stosunkach Turcji z Gruzją istotnym problemem jest Abchazja, formalnie będąca częścią Gruzji. Obszar Południowego Kaukazu jest dla Turcji szczególnie istotny ze względu na bezpieczeństwo energetyczne. Destabilizacja sytuacji i zaognienie konfliktów mogłyby poważnie naruszyć to bezpieczeństwo oraz pozbawić Turcję pozycji kraju tranzytowego dla surowców energetycznych. Kwestią dodatkowo komplikującą sytuację w regionie jest zainteresowanie tym obszarem Rosji, której nie za bardzo zależy na rozwiązaniu istniejących w regionie sporów.
EN
The disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991, has opened for Turkey new opportunities for cooperation with the Southern Caucasus countries, namely Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. Unfortunately, the area is not free of conflicts. From the Turkish point of view conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh between Armenia and Azerbaijan is the most problematic. It is one of the elements that makes it impossible to regulate the Turkish relations with Armenia. Then in Turkey's relations with Georgia a main problem is Abkhazia, which formally belongs to Georgia. The Southern Caucasus area is particularly significant for Turkey due to energy security. The destabilization of this situation could seriously undermine Turkey’s security in the region and deprive Turkey of the position of a transit country for energy resources. Russia's interest in this area is another matter which complicate situation in the region, especially that Russia is not very dependent on resolving existing disputes in the region.
EN
The article presents an analysis of the problems and prospects of relations between Russian Federation and Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). These relationships are discussed in broader political context of Russia's relations with the European Union. The author believes that in conflict situations the both parties are responsible. As an optimal strategy the author examines the possibility of linking the integration processes in the Eurasian region – the so-called "integration of integrations", that can become a framework for interfacing the national interests of Russia and the EU's interests. A special role in the normalization of relations in Eurasia the CEE countries are devoted to play – CEE may become a bridge between Russia and Western Europe.
RU
В статье представлен анализ проблем и перспектив отношений Российской Федерации и стран Центральной и Восточной Европы. Данные отношения рассматриваются в широком политическом контексте отношений России с Европейским Союзом. Автор полагает, что в ситуации конфликта ответственность несут обе стороны. В качестве оптимальной стратегии автор рассматривает возможности сопряжения интеграционных процессов на евра-зийском пространстве – так называемую «интеграцию интеграций», которая способна стать рамочным принципом сопряжения национальных интересов РФ и интересов стран ЕС. Особую роль в нормализации отношений в Евразии призваны сыграть страны ЦВЕ, которые могут стать моcтом между РФ и Западной Европой.
EN
Religious diversity is a permanent feature of the social landscape of West African States. The relatively low level of socio-economic development, the weakness of State institutions, as well as the configured deep in the African culture of tribalism as a feature of local political systems make these countries vulnerable to the processes of destabilizing and troublemaking. Religious differences in this situation become even one element of building a local identity, which in crisis situations become factors in building up negative images of the enemy, leading to the politicization of religion and impeding the functioning of societies undergoing similar divisions. Civil wars in Nigeria and the Ivory Coast, or the expansion of the political forces that refer to the idea of militant Islam, are examples of such processes, which affect negatively the security of individual countries and the region.
PL
Autor od początku swoich aktywności naukowych poświęca się sprawom Europy Wschodniej, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem Rosji i Ukrainy – począwszy od pracy licencjackiej, a skończywszy na okresie doktoranckim szczególną uwagę autora przykuwała kwestia możliwych konfliktów w tym rejonie świata. Podjęcie tego obszaru geograficznego jako zainteresowań wiąże się z geopolitycznym pragmatyzmem wyznawanym przez autora tekstu. Całą swoją działalność naukową poświęca on na dydaktyczne podejście do zrozumienia położenia Rzeczpospolitej na mapie Europy i świata, zatem logiczne jest, że istotniejsze wydają się kwestie za naszą wschodnią ścianą.
EN
From the beginning of his scientific activities, the author has been devoted to the affairs of Eastern Europe, with particular emphasis on Russia and Ukraine. From his bachelor’s thesis to his doctoral studies, the author’s particular attention was drawn to the issue of possible conflicts in this region of the world. Taking up this geographical area as an interest is related to the geopolitical pragmatism of the author of the text. He devotes all his scientific activity to a didactic approach to understanding the location of the Republic of Poland on the map of Europe and the world, so it seems logical that issues beyond our eastern wall seem more important.
PL
Tematem rozważań podjętych w niniejszym artykule jest analiza relacji Unii Europejskiej z Mołdawią. Autorzy wskazują na przyczyny leżące u podstaw trudności we wdrażaniu Partnerstwa Wschodniego wobec tego państwa. Szczególną rolę odgrywa tutaj Federacja Rosyjska broniąca swych strategicznych interesów na obszarze Europy Wschodniej, uznawanym za jej wyłączną strefę wpływów. Autorzy przedstawiają również tezę mówiąca o tym, że w Mołdawii społeczeństwo jest podzielone wobec kwestii ewentualnej integracji z Unią Europejską, preferując często opcję prorosyjską w polityce realizowanej przez establishment w obu tych państwach. Ułatwia to Rosji wspieranie tendencji separatystycznych w Naddniestrzu.
EN
The authors analyse the relations between Moldova and the European Union. They identify the causes of the difficulties while Eastern Partnership was being implemented in that state. A special part is played here by the Russian Federation that is defending its strategic interests in the areas of Eastern Europe, which is considered to be the Russian zone. The authors also present a thesis that the society of Moldova is divided as far as a possible integration with the EU is concerned, and a significant part of it prefer a pro-Russian option, which is supported by the establishment in the two countries. Thanks to that Russia finds it easier to back up the separatist tendencies in the area around the Dniester River (Transnistria, Transdniester, Trans-Dniestr, Transdniestria, or Pridnestrovie).
RU
В статье представлен Системный Геополитический Анализ, который может стать важным инструментом в качестве научного метода для изучения распределения силы в Восточной Европе, подкрепляя предположения структурного реализма элементом количественного исследования. Этот регион, как место соприкосновения сфер влияния и вытекающих из них экономических и потенциальных военных конфликтов, является областью, где знание наиболее точного распределения силы может стать решающим элементом в анализе генезиса конфликтов, сдвигов в распределении силы в их ходе, а также в прогнозировании будущих очагов напряженности. Будучи первой попыткой соотнести Системный Геополитический Анализ с проблемой конфликтов в Восточной Европе, статья содержит гипотезу о том, что Системный Геополитический Анализ является методом исследования, позволяющим эффективно анализировать геополитическую реальность в регионе вследствие: 1) конфликтов, возникающих в системе из-за различий в распределении силы; 2) природы компонентов силы, измеримых средствами системного геополитического анализа. С целью подтвердить вышеизложенную гипотезу, в статье обращается особое внимание на следующие аспекты: экономический аспект, связанный с экспортом российского природного газа, и военный аспект, учитывающий особенности современной напряженности в регионе, снижающий роль надсистемных резервов.
EN
The article presents Systemic Geopolitical Analysis, which as a scientific method can be an important tool for studying the distribution of power in Eastern Europe, supporting the assumptions of structural realism with an element of quantitative research. This region, as a place where spheres of influence and the ensuing economic and potentially military conflicts meet, is an area where the knowledge of the most precise distribution of power may be a crucial element in the analysis of the genesis of conflicts, the shifts in power distribution during their course, as well as in the prediction of future flashpoints. Being the first attempt to correlate Systemic Geopolitical Analysis with the issue of conflicts in Eastern Europe, the paper contains a hypothesis that Systemic Geopolitical Analysis is a research method that enables an effective analysis of the geopolitical reality in the region because of: 1) the conflicts occurring in the system due to differences in power distribution; 2) the nature of the components of power, measurable by the means of Systemic Geopolitical Analysis. Confirming the above hypothesis, the article points to the economic aspect, linked to the Russian natural gas exports, and the military aspect, by taking into account the characteristics of contemporary tensions in the region, which reduce the role of supra-systemic reserves.
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