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Impact of the intra-party democracy on political parties' reactions to the electoral defeats - a case study of the selected political groupings in Poland

100%
Kaczorowska M.
Przegląd Europejski
|
2021
|
vol. 4
191-207
EN
An electoral defeat usually marks a significant turning point in the life of political parties. It is often the beginning of the changes taking place within them (Harmel, Janda 1994; Gauja 2016: p. 50–51). Existing research suggest that the desire to improve the electoral outcome is the main argument for reform within political parties (Janda 1990; Harmel et al. 1995). This article looks at a relationship between the reactions of political parties to electoral defeat and one factor found to be important in this respect – i.e. the level of intra-party democracy (IPD) analysed at the organisational level. The study uses the IPD measurement model developed by Benjamin von dem Berge and his team (see: von dem Berge et al. 2013). The article provides the analysis of the level of intra-party democracy of the selected four Polish political parties (on the basis of their statutes) continuously present on the Polish political scene after 2001 and its impact on changes within political groupings after electoral defeats. The author examined the statutes of the Law and Justice (PiS), the Civic Platform (PO), the Polish People’s Party (PSL) and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). These parties suffered defeats either in the 2011 or 2015 elections. The main research problem is to determine how the level of IPD of the examined parties influences their reactions after electoral defeats. The research hypothesis is: political parties with a higher level of IPD should change under the influence of electoral defeats more than parties with a lower level of this indicator. The study used also the methodology of data analysis (party’s statutes and other documents) and 21 structured in-depth interviews with representatives of party elites. Based on the results, the index of change after defeat in political parties is created.
2
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Party leadership in Poland in comparative perspective

88%
Radecki M.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
|
2015
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vol. 22
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issue 1
EN
The aim of this paper is to analyse leadership in Polish political parties in comparative perspective. In the further parts of this paper, the methods of leader selections, their competitiveness, as well as reasons for their stepping down are discussed. Similarly to the western political parties, the Polish ones have been changing their methods of leadership selection. So far each time it has consisted in a formal increase in the inclusiveness of the selection. The reasons for transferring the rights relating to the leadership selection to party members were brought closer to the premises typical for Westminster democracies rather than the consensual ones. The analysis of the Polish case shows that the internal elections have been characterized by different levels of competitiveness.
3
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Formalne determinanty pozycji przywódców w strukturach pozaparlamentarnych partii politycznych w Polsce

63%
Hartliński M.
Prawo i Polityka
|
2015
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issue 6
40-64
EN
The study is aimed at analysing the statutes of 76 political parties and constitutes an attempt at characterising the formal position of party leaders in the structures of Polish non-parliamentary parties. Formal conditions determining leadership in non-parliamentary parties may be characterised with references to a few issues. Almost all of such parties have either of two formally determined positions of the leader. This is chairman (35) and president (33). In the majority of the parties (44) the position of the leader is an independent body set apart in their organisational structure. In fewer parties, the leader is the head of a collegiate body. Classifying the hierarchy of party bodies, in the greatest number of cases the leader was not set apart (29). If it was done, the leader received the second (20) or the third (14) position. The leader almost always, as a result of the position he occupies, becomes a member of other key bodies in the party. In slightly more than half of the parties (39), the leader has an opportunity to decide about the choice of his closest collaborators thanks to the right to propose candidates to take such positions. The length of the term in office is also different in different parties, although the most common period is 4 years (31 parties). In 63 out of 71 parties the leader is chosen by the delegates of local structures during a national congress. As regards the proposed research hypothesis, non-parliamentary parties do not significantly differ from the mainstream parties. There are no considerable disproportions with reference to the applied terminology, selecting various bodies, solutions concerning terms of office, automatic election to the most important decision-making bodies, as well as methods of selecting the leaders. The only difference concerns the fact that in non-parliamentary parties the leader is often not set apart against other party bodies, which is a situation quite rare among the main political parties. As far as the distinguished indexes are concerned, there is of course some degree of variation, yet both parliamentary as well as non-parliamentary parties show similar tendencies in formal positioning of the leaders in their structures.
4

Impact of the intra-party democracy on political parties' reactions to the electoral defeats - a case study of the selected political groupings in Poland

63%
Kaczorowska M.
Przegląd Europejski
|
2021
|
issue 4(62)
191-207
EN
An electoral defeat usually marks a significant turning point in the life of political parties. It is often the beginning of the changes taking place within them (Harmel, Janda 1994; Gauja 2016: p. 50–51). Existing research suggest that the desire to improve the electoral outcome is the main argument for reform within political parties (Janda 1990; Harmel et al. 1995). This article looks at a relationship between the reactions of political parties to electoral defeat and one factor found to be important in this respect – i.e. the level of intra-party democracy (IPD) analysed at the organisational level. The study uses the IPD measurement model developed by Benjamin von dem Berge and his team (see: von dem Berge et al. 2013). The article provides the analysis of the level of intra-party democracy of the selected four Polish political parties (on the basis of their statutes) continuously present on the Polish political scene after 2001 and its impact on changes within political groupings after electoral defeats. The author examined the statutes of the Law and Justice (PiS), the Civic Platform (PO), the Polish People’s Party (PSL) and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). These parties suffered defeats either in the 2011 or 2015 elections. The main research problem is to determine how the level of IPD of the examined parties influences their reactions after electoral defeats. The research hypothesis is: political parties with a higher level of IPD should change under the influence of electoral defeats more than parties with a lower level of this indicator. The study used also the methodology of data analysis (party’s statutes and other documents) and 21 structured in-depth interviews with representatives of party elites. Based on the results, the index of change after defeat in political parties is created.
PL
Porażka wyborcza zwykle stanowi istotny punkt zwrotny w życiu partii politycznych. Często jest początkiem zachodzących w nich zmian (Harmel, Janda 1994; Gauja 2016: s. 50–51). Z dotychczasowych badań wynika, że chęć poprawy wyniku wyborczego stanowi główny argument reform wewnątrz partii (Janda 1990; Harmel et al. 1995). W artykule poszukuje się zależności między reakcjami partii politycznych na porażkę wyborczą oraz jednym czynnikiem, uznanym za istotny pod tym względem – tj. poziomem demokracji wewnątrzpartyjnej (ang. intra-party democracy, IPD) analizowanym w płaszczyźnie organizacyjnej. W badaniu wykorzystany zostanie model pomiaru IPD autorstwa Benjamina von dem Berge i jego zespołu (zob.: von dem Berge et al. 2013). Artykuł zawiera analizę poziomu demokracji wewnątrzpartyjnej wybranych czterech polskich partii politycznych (na postawie ich statutów) nieprzerwanie obecnych na polskiej scenie politycznej po 2001 r. oraz wpływu IPD na zmiany wewnątrz ugrupowań politycznych po porażkach wyborczych. Autorka analizuje statuty Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (PiS), Platformy Obywatelskiej (PO), Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego (PSL) i Sojuszu Lewicy Demokratycznej (SLD). Wybrane partie odniosły porażki albo w wyborach w 2011 r. albo w 2015 r. Głównym problemem badawczym jest ustalenie w jaki sposób poziom IPD badanych partii wpływa na ich reakcje po odniesionych porażkach wyborczych. Autorka stawia następującą hipotezę: partie polityczne o wyższym poziomie IPD powinny zmieniać się pod wpływem porażki wyborczej bardziej niż partie o niższym poziomie tego wskaźnika. W badaniu wykorzystano metodologię analizy treści (statutów wybranych partii politycznych) oraz przeprowadzono 21 ustrukturalizowanych wywiadów pogłębionych z przedstawicielami elit partyjnych. W rezultacie powstał indeks zmian po porażce w partiach politycznych.
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