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EN
The article is about several procedural issues connected with seeking redress for nuclear damages on the basis of the Vienna Convention on Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage. Not only this Convention refers to substantive law, but it also concerns typically procedural matters such as international jurisdiction, domestic jurisdiction as well as recognition and enforcement of judgments. In some extent it forces domestic legislators to implement some legal norms into national law. Another essential thing is relation between regulations of the Vienna Convention and other legally binding acts in Poland regarding civil procedure.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy kilku zagadnień proceduralnych związanych z dochodzeniem roszczeń z tytułu szkody jądrowej na podstawie Konwencji wiedeńskiej o odpowiedzialności cywilnej za szkodę jądrową. Konwencja ta, oprócz zagadnień materialnoprawnych, stanowi również o typowo proceduralnych kwestiach, takich jak: jurysdykcja, właściwość sądu, a także uznawanie i wykonywanie obcych orzeczeń. W pewnym zakresie nakazuje ona implementację pewnych norm ustawodawcy krajowemu. Istotny jest również stosunek proceduralnych przepisów Konwencji do innych obowiązujących w Polsce aktów prawnych w zakresie postępowania cywilnego.
EN
The Lisbon Treaty has brought major changes in the functioning of the European Union, including in the area referred to in Art. 4 section 2 point j of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, which is an area of freedom, security and justice. It should first be noted that characteristic for European Union “pillar structure” has been liquidated. Former pillar III is nowadays covered by a single legal regime. Without a doubt falls conclude that the Lisbon Treaty has made a huge step towards the approximation of the laws of the Member States. Art. 86 TFEU introduces interesting novelty in this plane, providing for the possibility of establishment of an European Public Prosecutor’s Office, which is the EU body for investigating, prosecuting and bringing to justice the perpetrators of crimes against the financial interests of the European Union. Analysis of selected provisions of the Regulation on the establishment of an European Public Prosecutor’s Office leads to conclusion that draft regulation is not deprived of interpretational doubts. For instance there is a forum shopping threat. Fair trial standard and legislative technique have also been violated.
PL
Traktat z Lizbony przyniósł zasadnicze zmiany w funkcjonowaniu Unii Europejskiej, w tym w dziedzinie, o której mowa w art. 4 ust. 2 lit. j Traktatu o Funkcjonowaniu Unii Europejskiej, czyli przestrzeni wolności, bezpieczeństwa i sprawiedliwości. Należy przede wszystkim zauważyć, że zlikwidowano charakterystyczną dla TFUE strukturę filarową, a dawny filar III został objęty jednolitym reżimem prawnym. Bez wątpienia wypada stwierdzić, że Traktat z Lizbony uczynił ogromny krok w kierunku zbliżania ustawodawstw państw członkowskich. Art. 86 TFUE wprowadza interesujące novum na tej płaszczyźnie, przewidując możliwość powołania do życia Prokuratury Europejskiej, czyli unijnego organu do spraw dochodzenia, ścigania i stawiania przed sądem sprawców przestępstw przeciwko interesom finansowym Unii Europejskiej. Analiza wybranych uregulowań projektu rozporządzenia w sprawie ustanowienia Prokuratury Europejskiej pozwala na przyjęcie wniosku, że nie jest to uregulowanie pozbawione wątpliwości interpretacyjnych. Zwracają uwagę choćby takie zagadnienia, jak zjawisko forum shopping, zagrożenie dla gwarancji prawa do sądu czy wreszcie stosowana przez projektodawcę technika legislacyjna.
PL
Spółka z ograniczoną odpowiedzialnością jest jedną z najbardziej popularnych prawnych form prowadzenia działalności gospodarczej. Dzieje się tak w wielu systemach prawnych, nawet krańcowo od siebie dostępnych. Próba znalezienia punktów wspólnych oraz różnic metodą komparatystyki prawniczej może być pomocna w wytłumaczeniu fenomenu popularności spółki z ograniczoną odpowiedzialnością. Zakres uproszczeń i ułatwień dla sp. z o.o. w porównaniu do modelowej spółki kapitałowej w danej jurysdykcji jest bardzo różny. Jednak upraszczanie struktury i przede wszystkim bardziej bezpośrednia kontrola właścicieli nad działaniami spółki są czynnikami występującymi we wszystkich badanych jurysdykcjach.
EN
A limited liability company is one of the most popular legal forms of running a business. This is the case in many jurisdictions, even extremely accessible from one another. An attempt to find common points and differences using the comparative legal method may be helpful in explaining the phenomenon of the popularity of a limited liability company. The scope of simplifications and facilitations for a limited liability company is very different compared to a model corporation in a given jurisdiction. However, simplification of the structure and, above all, more direct control of the owners over the activities of the company are factors in all of the surveyed jurisdictions.
PL
Na przestrzeni lat kwestią bardzo często rozstrzyganą przez Trybunał Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej jest prawidłowa wykładnia art. 7 pkt 2 rozporządzenia Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady (UE) nr 1215/2012 z 12.12.2012 r. w sprawie jurysdykcji i uznawania orzeczeń sądowych oraz ich wykonywania w sprawach cywilnych i handlowych, a także jego wcześniejszych odpowiedników. Zwłaszcza pojęcie „miejsca wyrządzenia szkody” budzi rozliczne wątpliwości natury interpretacyjnej. Szczególnego wymiaru nabiera ta kwestia w ramach private enforcement of competition law – szkody z tytułu naruszenia prawa konkurencji mogą być bowiem wyrządzone, działaniem jednego sprawcy, różnym podmiotom w różnych miejscach. Wyrok TSUE w sprawie C-343/19 Volskwagen z dnia 9 lipca 2020 r. stanowi kolejną już odsłonę zmagań interpretacyjnych orzecznictwa unijnego z wymienionym wyżej przepisem i kolejną próbę dostosowania jego, dość lakonicznego, brzmienia do rozmaitych i skomplikowanych stanów faktycznych. Powstaje jednak pytanie, czy dokonana w ramach wymienionego wyżej wyroku wykładnia nie preferuje zanadto powodów-poszkodowanych i czy aby nie podąża w kierunku przyjęcia zasady forum actoris (właściwości sądu miejsca zamieszkania lub siedziby powoda) w ramach powództw z tytułu naruszenia prawa konkurencji.
Ius Novum
|
2021
|
vol. 15
|
issue 1
107-120
EN
The article verifies the meaning of a scene of crime and the division into territorial and exterritorial conduct when determining the scope of Polish jurisdiction in criminal cases. The deliberations are theoretical and dogmatic in nature. They are based on the proposals put forward in the doctrine of international public law within its broad sense, in particular international criminal law, and take into account Criminal Code regulations in force. The analysis leads to a conclusion that in the current reality, in the face of the development of the world wide web, the tendency to redefine the concept of national borders and their role as a factor limiting the freedom of cross-border activities and the development of supranational societies, there are grounds to challenge the function of a scene of crime as a factor determining the scope of Polish jurisdiction in criminal cases. It is proposed to consider the introduction of additional substantive criteria allowing determination of ius puniendi that Poland should be entitled to regardless of the territory where a given act has been committed.
PL
Przedmiotem opracowania jest zweryfikowanie znaczenia miejsca popełnienia czynu oraz podziału na zachowania terytorialne i eksterytorialne, przy wyznaczaniu zakresu polskiej jurysdykcji w sprawach karnych. Przeprowadzone w tym zakresie rozważania mają charakter teoretyczno-dogmatyczny. Bazują na postulatach zgłaszanych w nauce szeroko pojętego publicznego prawa międzynarodowego, w szczególności międzynarodowego prawa karnego, z uwzględnieniem obowiązujących regulacji Kodeksu karnego. Analiza prowadzi do wniosku, że w obecnej rzeczywistości, wobec rozwoju sieci internetowej, tendencji do redefiniowania pojęcia granicy państwa narodowego oraz roli owej granicy jako czynnika ograniczającego wolność transgranicznego działania i tworzenia społeczności ponadnarodowych, uzasadnione jest zakwestionowanie funkcji miejsca popełnienia czynu jako czynnika determinującego zakres poleskiej jurysdykcji w sprawach karnych. Postuluje się przy tym rozważenie wprowadzenia dodatkowych materialnych kryteriów, pozwalających na wyznaczenie przysługującego Polsce ius puniendi niezależnie od terytorium, na jakim uznamy dany czyn za popełniony.
EN
According to can. 1096 § 1 Code of Canon Law of the 1983 if the marriage harmony is going to come into existence, both sides should be able to dispose of at least minimal knowledge about state of marriage. In accordance with can. 1096 § 2 after reaching maturity, such knowledge is acquired. So what is really the minimal knowledge concerning marriage and what does it refer to in a subjective scope? Legislator defines it as a general concept of marriage with two enumerated aspects: relationship of a man and a woman, which is based on constancy and is oriented towards bearing descendants by a sexual cooperation.
EN
Modern corruption crimes take the form of actions which respective stages and effects may occur in the territories of different countries. Therefore it is necessary to create a system of effective international cooperation to combat corruption and to adopt legislation enabling the prosecution of the perpetrators of corruption. Such activities have been undertaken by international organizations acting at general and regional level. Their efforts resulted in adoption of a number of anti-corruption documents. The paper presents these elements of cooperation mechanisms which have been regulated in the analyzed anti-corruption documents, in particular with regard to extradition, mutual legal assistance and asset recovery of the corruption practices. In the first place, the paper presents the most important jurisdictional regulations in respect of acts of corruption.
EN
Marriage is an institution regulated by the Polish and canon law. The Polish law understands the institution of marriage differently than the canon law. In the Polish law marriage can be terminated by divorce. In the canon law marriage is indissoluble, but we can proceed the annulment process of the marriage. The Polish concordat provides for the possibility of marriage as a religious form, but does not provide for a right of termination of the marriage. It means that the civil law has jurisdiction over the civil marriage, while the canon law has jurisdiction over the canon marriage. The question of the recognition of the judgments of the diocesan tribunal in the civil forum is still open.
EN
The paper discusses the problem of criminal responsibility of secondary parties for inciting and aiding an act that is committed outside of Polish territory. According to Article 18 § 2 and § 3 of the Polish Criminal Code, encouraging and supporting a prohibited act are under penalty. It is debatable whether those regulations apply if the advocated or assisted act is to be performed abroad. In principle, such a possibility cannot be excluded, but there are certain categories of acts in case of which aiding or abetting an out-of-country commitment shall not be penalized. Firstly because the prohibited act can be performed only on Polish territory, secondly because the protected good can be attacked only domestically, and thirdly, because the performance of the act abroad will not be of a reckless nature, exceeding the permitted risk.
PL
Artykuł poświęcony jest problematyce odpowiedzialności karnej podżegacza i pomocnika za podżeganie lub pomocnictwo do czynów, które mają zostać popełnione poza terytorium Polski. Zgodnie z art. 18 § 2 i § 3 polskiego Kodeksu karnego nakłanianie do oraz ułatwianie popełnienia czynu zabronionego jest zabronione pod groźbą kary. Wątpliwe jest przy tym to, czy owe regulacje mają zastosowanie do sytuacji, gdy czyn, do którego popełnienia sprawca nakłania lub popełnienie którego ułatwia, ma być realizowany za granicą. Co do zasady możliwości takiej wyłączyć nie można. Istnieją jednak pewne kategorie czynów, w odniesieniu do których karalność podżegania czy pomocnictwa do ich zagranicznego popełnienia jest wyłączona. Po pierwsze, z uwagi na to, że znamię danej czynność wykonawczej może wypełnić jedynie zachowanie na terenie Polski, po drugie, dlatego że dane dobro może zostać zaatakowane tylko w kraju oraz, po trzecie, ponieważ wykonanie czynu za granicą nie będzie miało charakteru nieostrożnego, przekraczającego dozwolone ryzyko.
PL
Celem artykułu jest ustalenie wykładni sformułowania „znajduje się pod władzą Rzeczypospolitej” użytego w art. 37 Konstytucji RP. Przepis ten nawiązuje do analogicznych klauzul zamieszczanych w umowach międzynarodowych dotyczących praw człowieka. Analizowana formuła obejmuje pełną sferę zwierzchnictwa terytorialnego RP oraz sferę efektywnej jurysdykcji ekstraterytorialnej. Sprawując jurysdykcję ekstraterytorialną, państwo może stworzyć przestrzeń efektywnej władzy, w obrębie której mogą powstać obowiązki podjęcia dalszych działań. Pozostawanie „pod władzą” jest cechą stopniowalną i dotyczy nie tyle osób, co różnych sytuacji prawnych i faktycznych z ich udziałem. Zakres praw konstytucyjnych, które muszą zostać zagwarantowane danej osobie, wyznacza zasada adekwatności między zakresem sprawowanej władzy a zakresem praw konstytucyjnych.
EN
The aim of the publication is the clarification of the formulation “under the authority of the Republic” used in Article 37 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. This provision was inspired by analogical clauses inserted to international human rights treaties. The formula under consideration pertains to the complete sphere of Polish territorial jurisdiction as well as to the sphere of Poland’s effective extraterritorial jurisdiction. Submission to the authority is a gradable quality and concerns not so much persons but rather legal and factual situations with their involvement. The scope of rights which have to be guaranteed to a specific person is defined by the principle of adequacy between effective power and constitutional rights.
PL
Od 1 maja 2004 roku każdy sąd w Polsce stosujący prawo unijne jest sądem unijnym w znaczeniu funkcjonalnym. Prawo Unii Europejskiej jest prawem materialnym , które sądy polskie mają obowiązek stosować od momentu wejścia Polski do Unii Europejskiej. Prawem materialnym są normy prawne zawarte w aktach normatywnych stanowiących źródło prawa w rozumieniu prawa krajowego i unijnego. Sądy krajowe orzekają o niezgodności norm w procesie stosowania norm prawnych tzn. w procesie ustalania ich znaczenia w danym stanie faktycznym. W sprawach unijnych sądy krajowe muszą stosować standardy rozstrzygnięć, które wykraczają poza znane w prawie krajowym koncepcje interpretacyjne. Prawidłowe rozstrzyganie spraw unijnych wymaga więc od sądów Państw Członkowskich Unii Europejskiej właściwego posługiwania się zasadami prawa Unii Europejskiej.
EN
From 1 May 2004, every court in Poland applying EU law is a court of the EU in terms of functionality. European Union law is the substantive law that the Polish courts are obliged to apply from the moment of Polish entry into the European Union. Substantive law are legal norms contained in the normative acts which constitute a source of law within the meaning of national and EU law. National courts adjudicate non-compliance standards in the application of legal norms, in the process of determining their significance in the facts. In matters of EU national courts have to apply the standards of the decisions that go beyond the known concepts in national law interpretation. Proper settlement of EU laws therefore requires from the courts of the Member States of the European Union the proper use of the principles of European Union law.
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EN
Thanks to the autocephaly of Ukrainian Orthodoxy in 2019, there is a fundamental change in the whole local Church in the religious, ecclesial, organizational, administrative and jurisdictional aspects. At the same time, there is a completely new perspective of self-realization in a fully autonomous Church based on communication with the Constantinopolitan patriarchate. This reality creates the right conditions for establishing proper relations with other Churches in the country, including Eastern Catholic and Latin, which previously had an ambiguous character. Ultimately, join the multilateral dialogue within the Christian, which aims to bring together and unite all Christians into one community of people of faith.
XX
Dzięki nadaniu autokefalii prawosławiu ukraińskiemu w 2019 roku następuje zasadnicza zmiana w całym Kościele lokalnym w aspekcie religijnym, eklezjalnym, organizacyjnym, administracyjnym i jurysdykcyjnym. Przy tym pojawia się zupełnie nowa perspektywa samorealizacji w pełni autonomicznego Kościoła w oparciu o łączność z patriarchatem konstantynopolitańskim. Rzeczywistość ta stwarza odpowiednie warunki do nawiązania właściwych relacji z innymi Kościołami w kraju, w tym wschodnim katolickim i łacińskim, które wcześniej posiadały złożony charakter. Ostatecznie pozwala włączyć się w wielostronny dialog wewnątrz chrześcijański, który stawia sobie za cel zbliżenie i zjednoczenie wszystkich chrześcijan w jedną wspólnotę ludzi wiary.
EN
The article aims to help realize that to understand the changes which take place in space policy and space law, it is necessary to abandon the old course of thought and think the other way. The author exposes thesis that force to take a look at the law in a different way. He states that: all sources of international law (specified in Article 38 of the Statute of the ICJ) and EU law are in force in the Polish legal order, with the exception of international agreements, which only apply if they are ratified by the Republic of Poland and published in the Journal of Laws of the Republic of Poland. The legal policy (conducted by the competent authorities in each forum based on the specific procedures) is the ius reflex, which inspires the development of lex and vice versa. The law applies beyond the borders of states’ jurisdictions (res communis) in the maritime and outer space and becomes a constitutional element of the new civilization (market and culture), which gradually affects the law within the jurisdiction of states (sovereignty and sovereign rights). The power of law ceases to guarantee the resolution of international conflicts, which forces the application of the law of force. The sine qua non condition to survive the new civilization is to protect humanity and to share resources fairly in the process of transformation.
PL
Artykuł ma na celu pomoc w ugruntowaniu się przekonania, iż aby zrozumieć przemiany zachodzące w polityce prawa kosmicznego i w prawie kosmicznym należy odejść od konwencjonalnego punktu widzenia i pomyśleć odwrotnie. Autor eksponuje w nim tezy, które zmuszają do innego spojrzenia na obowiązujące prawo. Przedstawia, iż w polskim porządku prawnym obowiązują wszystkie źródła prawa międzynarodowego (wyszczególnione w art. 38 Statutu MTS) i prawa UE, z wyjątkiem umów międzynarodowych, które obowiązują tylko wtedy, gdy są ratyfikowane przez RP i ogłoszone w Dzienniku Ustaw RP. Polityka prawa (prowadzona przez kompetentne władze na każdym forum w oparciu o określone procedury) jest refleksem ius, które inspiruje rozwój lex i odwrotnie. Prawo obowiązuje poza granicami jurysdykcji państw (res communis) w obszarach morskich i przestrzeni kosmicznej staje się konstytucyjnym elementem nowej cywilizacji (rynku i kultury), które stopniowo wywiera wpływ na prawo obowiązujące w granicach jurysdykcji państw (suwerenność i prawa suwerenne). Siła prawa przestaje gwarantować rozstrzyganie konfliktów międzynarodowych, co zmusza do stosowania prawa siły. Warunkiem sine qua non przetrwania nowej cywilizacji jest ochrona ludzkości i sprawiedliwy podział zasobów w procesie przemian.
EN
The article presents two international documents produced in the last decade of the twentieth century, the adoption of which was intended to contribute, among other things, to a more effective protection of cultural assets in times of armed conflicts. The increase in their effectiveness was mainly the result of distinguishing individual criminal liability of perpetrators of offences against cultural property by national and international jurisdictions. Accordingly, the provisions of Second Protocol to the Hague Convention of 1954 for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict (1999) and the provisions of the Statutes of the International Criminal Court have been duly discussed. Attention was drawn to the similarities and differences in these documents which allow to eliminate the existing legal loopholes and the still unsatisfactory level of protection of cultural goods in times of armed conflicts.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono dwa dokumenty międzynarodowe powstałe w ostatniej dekadzie XX w., a których przyjęcie miało przyczynić się m.in. do zagwarantowania skuteczniejszej ochrony dóbr kulturalnych w okresie konfliktów zbrojnych. Wzrost skuteczności połączono przede wszystkim z kwestią wyodrębnienia indywidualnej odpowiedzialności karnej sprawców przestępstw przeciwko wskazanym dobrom, w obrębie jurysdykcji krajowych i jurysdykcji międzynarodowej. Omówiono zatem w odpowiednim zakresie postanowienia Drugiego protokołu do Konwencji o ochronie dóbr kulturalnych w okresie konfliktu zbrojnego oraz Statutu Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego. Zwrócono uwagę na podobieństwa i różnice w zakresie, w jakim wskazane dokumenty pozwalają wyeliminować istniejące dotychczas luki prawne oraz w jakim utrzymują nadal niesatysfakcjonujący społeczność międzynarodową poziom ochrony dóbr kulturalnych w okresie konfliktu zbrojnego.
Acta Politica Polonica
|
2021
|
vol. 51
|
issue 1
51-66
EN
This paper deals in detail with the concept and the most important characteristics of international organizations as subjects of international law. Aware of the fact that a lot has already been written about this sui generis subject of international law, we will try to contribute to an even better understanding of this complex concept in a study carried out with the method of functional analysis and induction. This will be done by emphasizing the importance of constitutive elements, subjectivity, responsibilities, jurisdiction, and supranationalism of international organizations. We will also propose, as an expression of freedom of scientific thought, some de lege ferenda solutions related to the work of officials in international organizations, all with the aim of further progressive development of international law. In particular, the synthetic and comparative method will support a set of hypotheses and emphasize the supranationalism of international organizations, exemplified by the practice of the EU functioning.
PL
W artykule ukazano szczegółowo pojęcie i najważniejsze cechy organizacji międzynarodowych jako podmiot w prawa międzynarodowego. Mając świadomość, że na temat sui generis podmiotu prawa międzynarodowego napisano już wiele, postarano się w jednym opracowaniu przyczynić się do jeszcze lepszego zrozumienia tej złożonej koncepcji za pomocą metody analizy funkcjonalnej i indukcji. Dokonano tego przez podkreślenie znaczenia element w konstytutywnych, podmiotowości, odpowiedzialności, jurysdykcji i ponadnarodowości organizacji międzynarodowych. Zaproponowano także, jako wyraz swobody myśli naukowej, pewne rozwiązania de lege ferenda dotyczące pracy urzędnik worganizacji międzynarodowych, a wszystko to w celu dalszego postępu w rozwoju.
EN
1. The idea of family jurisdiction is not new, yet it continues to raise animated discussion and controversy. Family courts which exist in many countries have miscellaneous and frequently rather narrow competence. Elsewhere, experiments have been made with family courts for many years now, consisting in taking observations of the works of a few family courts, the traditional orgnization of jurisdiction maintained in the entire country. The family jurisdiction, enforced in Poland on January 1st, 1978, was introduced in the entire territory, the competence of family courts outlined most broadly: all cases directly connected with family relations (affiliation of a child, alimony, nullification and dissolution of a marriage, adoption, limitation, suspension and deprivation of parental authority, institution of legal protection, etc.), cases connected with penal acts committed by juveniles, cases of compulsory treatment of alcoholics in closed hospitals, and offences against family, guardianship, and the youth, fell under competence of family courts.       Family courts which are departments of district courts, have assembled nearly half of the cases coming in a district court. At the same time, cases have been divided between the judges basing on the territorial principle: every judge hears all kinds of cases coming in from the territory he has been assigned. This way, all cases essentially connected with the functioning of a given family were always to be judged by the same judge. The broad competence of a family judge and the fact that he heard all cases concerning the members of a given family was to create conditions in which all problems appearing within that family would be treated on a broad basis in every case, to ensure that each particular pronouncement concerning that family be compact and complementary, to guarantee the correctness of decisions owing to the knowledge of the whole of conflicts which occur in that family, and to make preventive activities broader and deeper.       The creation of family courts caused the liquidation of juvenile courts, all their cases having passed to the family courts, as well as the transference of a considerable part of cases heard before by civil courts and a small number of cases from criminal courts.      Such a far-reaching reform of organization of common jurisdiction has justified the study of the effects of introduction of family courts, the more so as juvenile courts played an important part in the system of preventive measures against delinquency and other forms of social maladjustment. Therefore, it was the aim of the study to find out if family courts realize their function in practice, and what are the factors that determine difficulties or irregularities in case the courts fail totally or partially to fulfill their object.       The study embraced various sources of information about the functioning of family courts, i.e., first of all, statistical data on the jurisdiction in cases which now come within the scope of family courts from two periods: before and after they had been transferred to the family courts (years 1976-1977 and 1978-1981). Another extremely important source of information about the functioning of family courts was the analysis of cases of particular kind judged by juvenile, civil, and criminal couits, and then by family courts. Among the cases which provided a particularly great amount of information as to the way in which family courts fulfilled the goal they were planned to fulfill, were divorce suits, limitation of parental authority, penal acts of juveniles, and criminal cases of offences against family, guardianship, and the youth. Such cases require well-prepared materials before they are examined, comprehensive study of particular legal problems from the point of view of the interest of the family, first of all children that are brought up in it, and finally (apart from divorce suits) active execution of the sentence, as the method of execution determines the results of the entire preceding activity of the court.       A detailed study was made of a standard sample of cases now investigated by 8 family courts - small, medium, and large, each of the 4 family courts created on January 1st, 1978, matched with one of the 4 family courts which had been functioning before that day as experimental courts. In this way comparison could have been made between the functioning of new family courts and those which had been working for some years to find out if the lenght of the period of work of  the family court contributed to eliminating of various mistakes and dificiencies resulting from lack of experience during the first years of work of the family court. The standard of work of the "new" family courts emerging from the analysis of cases was also compared with that of juvenile courts, civil courts, and criminal courts which had been departments of the same district courts, by way of analysis of the same kind of cases judged before the reform of jurisdiction. This comparison was to provide information about changes which took place in preliminary proceedings, setencing, and execution of sentences, after family courts had taken over the cases which had been investigated before by other departments of district courts.       Another source of information was the examination on the spot of the conditions of work of the 8 family courts the files of which had been analysed, including their staff, the system of social probation officers, the number of different duties imposed, and the power to execute decicions.       Finally, the opinion on family courts was asked of family judges themselves, of professional probation officers of these courts, and of solicitors, whose experience in appearing before different courts in cases of the same kind seemed particularly valuable. A questionnaire examination also included the family judges who had judged in juvenile, civil, and criminal courts before the jurisdiction reform, so as to define their attitudes and opinions as regards various problems of family life. The aim of the questionnaire was to find out any differences between the attitudes of former juvenile court judges in comparison with other judges working subsequently in family courts.         2. The analysis of statistical data concerning the 6-year period (including 4 years after family jurisdiction had been introduced) did not reveal any symptomatic difference which could be related to the creation of family courts. As regards divorce suits, for instance, neither the percentage of cases discontinued due to the reconciliation of the parties increased, not that of dismissed cases; in cases concerning parental authority, the structure of decisions did not change; in cases of penal acts committed by juveniles but a small increase of less radical sentences was noticed; finally, as regards cases of offences against family, guardianship, and the youth, the only change was a slight reduction of the number of sentences to the penalty of deprivation of liberty without conditional suspension of execution in favour of limitation of parental authority.        The results obtained through a detailed analysis of court files of cases formerly heard by juvenile, civil, and criminal courts were much the same as regards the contents of issued decisions. Nevertheless, in some spheres of activity of family courts some favourable changes occurred; unfortunately they were accompanied by a considerable regress in other spheres. In particular, family courts investigated the situation of children of divorcing parents more precisely than the civil courts, but on the other hand they neglected material problems, less frequently adjudging alimony amounting to a sum higher than demanded, less frequently deciding ex officio as to the means of using a common appartment by the divorced parties and adjudging eviction from the appartment of the party who particularly grossly disturbed the family peace. In all cases where the court's decision should be properly executed by the family court machine, a considerable deterioration of the way of execution took place. This resulted both from the lack of adequate interest in this problem on the part of family judges who were engaged mostly in jurisdiction, and from remissness of professional probation officers who were also burdened with many other tasks and whose work was supervised by family judges but in a minimal degree. In spite of their contact with many kinds of cases, family judges showed little interest in prevention. It was interesting to find out that also the former juvenile judges who had been accustomed to give a lot of attention to various preventive activities, now did not differ by any means in this respect from the former civil and criminal judges. Also the functioning of the "old" family courts was by no means superior to that of the "new”  ones, and it was even inferior in some spheres - therefore, the standard of work of the courts was determined by other factors and not by the lack of experience.        The analysis of decisions from the point of view of complexity of their approach to the whole of the problems existing within a given family gave no evidence as to any differences between decisions in the same kinds of cases issued by family courts on the one hand, and juvenile, civil, and criminal courts on the other. Also the anticipation that decisions of family courts would be more compact and complementary to each other if several different cases of members of the same family would be heard by the same court, came true but to a minimal extent. Firstly, the percentage of families towards which at least 2 decisions had been issued by a family court during its period of existence was considerably low, amounting to 25 per cent of families ever included in any legal proceedings. Even in the case of those family courts which had been functioning for 7 years, the percentage in question was not high, amounting to 32 per cent. Secondly, in spite of the principle of territorial division of cases among the judges, only in half of cases, all suits concerning a given family were heard by the same judge. Thirdly, due to the nature of a considerable number of cases, the material gathered for them during the proceedings was of no importance as regards the way of examination and the essence of decision issued in the next case (this concerns first of all suits for alimony). Eventually, only in every seventh case both the same judge had heard the former case as well as the present one, and in the former case material had been gathered which was valuable for the better knowledge of the family and the more relevant judgement. It should also be mentioned that in the case of many of the decisions, there was considerable probability that the verdict sentences would have been similar, had they been adjudged by another judge of the same court, or of civil or criminal court. Therefore, it was impossible to ascertain that the creation of family courts had considerably contributed to a greater complexity, compactness, and complementariness of judgements.            The opinions on the functioning of family courts gathered from judges, probation officers, and solicitors have confirmed a number of remarks made during the analysis of court files and the direct examination of the conditions of work of the selected family courts. In spite of the fact that the very idea of creating family courts has been estimated favourably by the majority of the examined persons (62 per cent), a considerable part of them pointed to the following defects: too wide range of tasks of family courts, the resulting overwork which hindered adequate preventive activities, the domination of jurisdiction as compared with other tasks of the family court. One third of the respondents could not see any advantage in the creation of family courts. Half of them was of opinion that the introduction of family courts failed to increase the protection of children and the youth against demoralization (this was most frequently the opinion of the family judges themselves).            The second questionnaire, concerning opinions and attitudes of family judges, revealed the statements of the former juvenile judges concerning family and its problems to be more complete and definite as compared with statements of the former civil and criminal judges, and to take into consideration more frequently the psychological, pedagogical, social in its broadest sense, and even medical, aspects of these problems. One should, however, bear in mind that, as revealed by the analysis of files, no evidence was found of better work of the former juvenile judges as compared with other family judges.          In the final part of the present article an attempt was made to draw conclusions from the results of the study. Having discussed different possible variants of changing the competence of family courts, a definite model of a family court was suggested, characterized by a different internal structure, narrowed competence and a better defined position in the system of prevention of social maladjustment of children and the youth.
PL
         1. The idea of family jurisdiction is not new, yet it continues to raise animated discussion and controversy. Family courts which exist in many countries have miscellaneous and frequently rather narrow competence. Elsewhere, experiments have been made with family courts for many years now, consisting in taking observations of the works of a few family courts, the traditional orgnization of jurisdiction maintained in the entire country. The family jurisdiction, enforced in Poland on January 1st, 1978, was introduced in the entire territory, the competence of family courts outlined most broadly: all cases directly connected with family relations (affiliation of a child, alimony, nullification and dissolution of a marriage, adoption, limitation, suspension and deprivation of parental authority, institution of legal protection, etc.), cases connected with penal acts committed by juveniles, cases of compulsory treatment of alcoholics in closed hospitals, and offences against family, guardianship, and the youth, fell under competence of family courts.       Family courts which are departments of district courts, have assembled nearly half of the cases coming in a district court. At the same time, cases have been divided between the judges basing on the territorial principle: every judge hears all kinds of cases coming in from the territory he has been assigned. This way, all cases essentially connected with the functioning of a given family were always to be judged by the same judge. The broad competence of a family judge and the fact that he heard all cases concerning the members of a given family was to create conditions in which all problems appearing within that family would be treated on a broad basis in every case, to ensure that each particular pronouncement concerning that family be compact and complementary, to guarantee the correctness of decisions owing to the knowledge of the whole of conflicts which occur in that family, and to make preventive activities broader and deeper.       The creation of family courts caused the liquidation of juvenile courts, all their cases having passed to the family courts, as well as the transference of a considerable part of cases heard before by civil courts and a small number of cases from criminal courts.      Such a far-reaching reform of organization of common jurisdiction has justified the study of the effects of introduction of family courts, the more so as juvenile courts played an important part in the system of preventive measures against delinquency and other forms of social maladjustment. Therefore, it was the aim of the study to find out if family courts realize their function in practice, and what are the factors that determine difficulties or irregularities in case the courts fail totally or partially to fulfill their object.       The study embraced various sources of information about the functioning of family courts, i.e., first of all, statistical data on the jurisdiction in cases which now come within the scope of family courts from two periods: before and after they had been transferred to the family courts (years 1976-1977 and 1978-1981). Another extremely important source of information about the functioning of family courts was the analysis of cases of particular kind judged by juvenile, civil, and criminal couits, and then by family courts. Among the cases which provided a particularly great amount of information as to the way in which family courts fulfilled the goal they were planned to fulfill, were divorce suits, limitation of parental authority, penal acts of juveniles, and criminal cases of offences against family, guardianship, and the youth. Such cases require well-prepared materials before they are examined, comprehensive study of particular legal problems from the point of view of the interest of the family, first of all children that are brought up in it, and finally (apart from divorce suits) active execution of the sentence, as the method of execution determines the results of the entire preceding activity of the court.       A detailed study was made of a standard sample of cases now investigated by 8 family courts - small, medium, and large, each of the 4 family courts created on January 1st, 1978, matched with one of the 4 family courts which had been functioning before that day as experimental courts. In this way comparison could have been made between the functioning of new family courts and those which had been working for some years to find out if the lenght of the period of work of  the family court contributed to eliminating of various mistakes and dificiencies resulting from lack of experience during the first years of work of the family court. The standard of work of the "new" family courts emerging from the analysis of cases was also compared with that of juvenile courts, civil courts, and criminal courts which had been departments of the same district courts, by way of analysis of the same kind of cases judged before the reform of jurisdiction. This comparison was to provide information about changes which took place in preliminary proceedings, setencing, and execution of sentences, after family courts had taken over the cases which had been investigated before by other departments of district courts.       Another source of information was the examination on the spot of the conditions of work of the 8 family courts the files of which had been analysed, including their staff, the system of social probation officers, the number of different duties imposed, and the power to execute decicions.       Finally, the opinion on family courts was asked of family judges themselves, of professional probation officers of these courts, and of solicitors, whose experience in appearing before different courts in cases of the same kind seemed particularly valuable. A questionnaire examination also included the family judges who had judged in juvenile, civil, and criminal courts before the jurisdiction reform, so as to define their attitudes and opinions as regards various problems of family life. The aim of the questionnaire was to find out any differences between the attitudes of former juvenile court judges in comparison with other judges working subsequently in family courts.         2. The analysis of statistical data concerning the 6-year period (including 4 years after family jurisdiction had been introduced) did not reveal any symptomatic difference which could be related to the creation of family courts. As regards divorce suits, for instance, neither the percentage of cases discontinued due to the reconciliation of the parties increased, not that of dismissed cases; in cases concerning parental authority, the structure of decisions did not change; in cases of penal acts committed by juveniles but a small increase of less radical sentences was noticed; finally, as regards cases of offences against family, guardianship, and the youth, the only change was a slight reduction of the number of sentences to the penalty of deprivation of liberty without conditional suspension of execution in favour of limitation of parental authority.        The results obtained through a detailed analysis of court files of cases formerly heard by juvenile, civil, and criminal courts were much the same as regards the contents of issued decisions. Nevertheless, in some spheres of activity of family courts some favourable changes occurred; unfortunately they were accompanied by a considerable regress in other spheres. In particular, family courts investigated the situation of children of divorcing parents more precisely than the civil courts, but on the other hand they neglected material problems, less frequently adjudging alimony amounting to a sum higher than demanded, less frequently deciding ex officio as to the means of using a common appartment by the divorced parties and adjudging eviction from the appartment of the party who particularly grossly disturbed the family peace. In all cases where the court's decision should be properly executed by the family court machine, a considerable deterioration of the way of execution took place. This resulted both from the lack of adequate interest in this problem on the part of family judges who were engaged mostly in jurisdiction, and from remissness of professional probation officers who were also burdened with many other tasks and whose work was supervised by family judges but in a minimal degree. In spite of their contact with many kinds of cases, family judges showed little interest in prevention. It was interesting to find out that also the former juvenile judges who had been accustomed to give a lot of attention to various preventive activities, now did not differ by any means in this respect from the former civil and criminal judges. Also the functioning of the "old" family courts was by no means superior to that of the "new”  ones, and it was even inferior in some spheres - therefore, the standard of work of the courts was determined by other factors and not by the lack of experience.        The analysis of decisions from the point of view of complexity of their approach to the whole of the problems existing within a given family gave no evidence as to any differences between decisions in the same kinds of cases issued by family courts on the one hand, and juvenile, civil, and criminal courts on the other. Also the anticipation that decisions of family courts would be more compact and complementary to each other if several different cases of members of the same family would be heard by the same court, came true but to a minimal extent. Firstly, the percentage of families towards which at least 2 decisions had been issued by a family court during its period of existence was considerably low, amounting to 25 per cent of families ever included in any legal proceedings. Even in the case of those family courts which had been functioning for 7 years, the percentage in question was not high, amounting to 32 per cent. Secondly, in spite of the principle of territorial division of cases among the judges, only in half of cases, all suits concerning a given family were heard by the same judge. Thirdly, due to the nature of a considerable number of cases, the material gathered for them during the proceedings was of no importance as regards the way of examination and the essence of decision issued in the next case (this concerns first of all suits for alimony). Eventually, only in every seventh case both the same judge had heard the former case as well as the present one, and in the former case material had been gathered which was valuable for the better knowledge of the family and the more relevant judgement. It should also be mentioned that in the case of many of the decisions, there was considerable probability that the verdict sentences would have been similar, had they been adjudged by another judge of the same court, or of civil or criminal court. Therefore, it was impossible to ascertain that the creation of family courts had considerably contributed to a greater complexity, compactness, and complementariness of judgements.            The opinions on the functioning of family courts gathered from judges, probation officers, and solicitors have confirmed a number of remarks made during the analysis of court files and the direct examination of the conditions of work of the selected family courts. In spite of the fact that the very idea of creating family courts has been estimated favourably by the majority of the examined persons (62 per cent), a considerable part of them pointed to the following defects: too wide range of tasks of family courts, the resulting overwork which hindered adequate preventive activities, the domination of jurisdiction as compared with other tasks of the family court. One third of the respondents could not see any advantage in the creation of family courts. Half of them was of opinion that the introduction of family courts failed to increase the protection of children and the youth against demoralization (this was most frequently the opinion of the family judges themselves).            The second questionnaire, concerning opinions and attitudes of family judges, revealed the statements of the former juvenile judges concerning family and its problems to be more complete and definite as compared with statements of the former civil and criminal judges, and to take into consideration more frequently the psychological, pedagogical, social in its broadest sense, and even medical, aspects of these problems. One should, however, bear in mind that, as revealed by the analysis of files, no evidence was found of better work of the former juvenile judges as compared with other family judges.          In the final part of the present article an attempt was made to draw conclusions from the results of the study. Having discussed different possible variants of changing the competence of family courts, a definite model of a family court was suggested, characterized by a different internal structure, narrowed competence and a better defined position in the system of prevention of social maladjustment of children and the youth.
EN
Priest Jan Ślósarz, PhD (habil.), published two works on canon law and practical theology: O cenzurach kościelnych i ekskomunikach w szczególny sposób Papieżowi zastrzeżonych (On the church censures and excommunications reserved especially to Pope) (1900) and Władza kluczów w św. sakramencie pokuty (The power of keys in the holy sacrament of penance) (1902). Both publications proved to be useful to priests as well as to the faithful because they presented clearly the codes of canon law, which at that time was complicated and scattered across many documents. Both publications addressed the application of ecclesiastical penalties to clergy and to laity. These penalties were intended both to protect the doctrine of the Catholic Church and to help sinners. Some punishments were applied by confessors, other by bishops, and some were reserved exclusively for the Pope. Due of difficulties in obtaining absolution, clergy and laity restrained themselves from committing sins and the worst sinners were directed under care of the most experienced confessors. Priest Jan Ślósarz described in his publications various sins and provided detailed instructions applicable to clergy as well as to laity on how to deal with the person committing those sins.
PL
Ks. dr hab. Jan Ślósarz opublikował dwie prace z zakresu prawa kanonicznego i teologii praktycznej: O cenzurach kościelnych i ekskomunikach w szczególny sposób Papieżowi zastrzeżonych (1900) i Władza kluczów w św. sakramencie pokuty (1902). Obie publikacje okazały się przydatne zarówno dla kapłanów, jak i wiernych, ponieważ jasno przedstawiały przepisy prawa kanonicznego, które w owym czasie były skomplikowane i rozrzucone po wielu dokumentach. Obie publikacje dotyczyły stosowania kar kościelnych wobec duchowieństwa i świeckich. Kary te miały na celu zarówno bronić nauki Kościoła katolickiego jak i pomagać grzesznikom. Niektóre kary były stosowane przez spowiedników, inne przez biskupów, a niektóre były zarezerwowane wyłącznie dla papieża. Z powodu trudności w uzyskaniu rozgrzeszenia duchowni i świeccy powstrzymywali się od popełniania grzechów, zaś najwięksi grzesznicy byli kierowani pod opiekę najbardziej doświadczonych spowiedników. Ks. Jan Ślósarz w swoich publikacjach opisał różne grzechy i podał szczegółowe instrukcje odnoszące się zarówno do duchownych jak i świeckich, a dotyczące tego jak postępować z osobą, która spełnia takie grzechy.
PL
Przedmiotem opracowania jest analiza bardzo aktualnych, węzłowych kwestii unormowanych w rozporządzeniu Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady (UE) nr 650/2012 z dnia 4 lipca 2012 r. w sprawie jurysdykcji, prawa właściwego, uznawania i wykonywania orzeczeń, przyjmowania i wykonywania dokumentów urzędowych dotyczących dziedziczenia oraz w sprawie ustanowienia europejskiego poświadczenia spadkowego (tzw. rozporządzenie „Rzym IV”). Wprowadzenie rozporządzenia wieńczy długoletnią dyskusję nad wspólnymi przepisami kolizyjnymi i jurysdykcyjnymi dla krajów Unii Europejskiej, jak również stanowi uzupełnienie dotychczasowych regulacji unijnych z zakresu prawa prywatnego międzynarodowego i procesowego, stąd też problemtyka związana z regulacjami zawartymi w rozporządzeniu w pełni zasługuje na przybliżenie i omówienie. W pracy poruszone zostały kwestie związane z prawem właściwym dla spraw spadkowych, ściśle łączące się z tematyką kolizyjną zagadnienie jurysdykcji krajowej oraz problematyka europejskiego poświadczenia spadkowego. Poddana pod wątpliwość została słuszność wprowadzonych regulacji i ich przydatność w kontekście zwiększenia bezpieczeństwa obrotu. Została także podjęta próba rozstrzygnięcia pojawiających się wątpliwości, czy to natury interpretacyjnej, czy też odnoszących się do celowości przyjętych rozwiązań. Rozważania zamykają wnioski płynące z przeprowadzonej analizy.
EN
Until quite recently all of the countries of the world have had different rules dealing with succession rights (that is the rules relating to inheritance whether testate or intestate). However since the creation of the Succession Regulation (EU) No 650/2012 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 4 July 2012 on jurisdiction, applicable law, recognition and enforcement of decisions and acceptance and enfocement of authentic instruments in metters of succession and on the creation of a European Certificate of Succession all that has changed for all of the member states of the European Union. The Regulation aims to harmonise the laws relating to succession throughout the European Union. Moreover the Regulation aims to facilitate the free movement of persons within th EU and also to promote the area of freedom, security and justice which is a primary goal of the EU. The regulation provides certainty as to which law applies. The regulation enables persons to make a choice of law of the country of their nationality to govern their succession. The general ruled applied in the Regulation is that the law applicable to the succession as a whole shall be the law of the State in which the deceased had his habitual residence at the time of death unless the latter chose the law of the state to apply in accordance with Article 22. The paper focuses on jurisdiction, applicable law and recognitions and enforcement of decisions and Europewan Certificate of Succession covered by the Regulation. The paper is designed of deeply analyze the regulations contained in the Regulation. The authoress focuses on jurisdiction, applicable law and recognitions and enforcement of decisions and Europewan Certificate of Succession covered by the Regulation. The authoress analyses the topic of her research by exploiting the dogmatic method and that of comparative type.
EN
Relations between the Ukrainian Church and Constantinople were difficult. This goes back as far as 988, when the Christianisation of the Rus created a strong alliance between Kiev and the Byzantine Empire. There were times when Constantinople had no influence over the Kiev Metropolis. During the Mongolian invasion in 1240, the Ukranian region was broken up and Kiev lost its power. The headquarters of the Kiev Metropolis were first moved to Wlodzimierz nad Klazma in 1299 and then to Moscow in1325. In 1458 the Metropolis of Kiev was divided into two; Kiev and Moscow, but Kiev still remained under the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. Since that time, the orthodox hierarchs of Moscow no longer adhered to the title Bishop of Kiev and the whole of Rus and in 1588 the Patriarchate of Moscow was founded. In 1596 when  the Union of Brest was formed,  the orthodox church of the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth was not liquidated. Instead it was formally revived in 1620 and in 1632 it was officially recognized by king Wladyslaw Waza. In 1686 the Metropolis of Kiev which until that time was under the Patriarchate of Constantinople was handed over to the jurisdiction of Moscow. It was tsarist diplomats that bribed the Ottoman Sultan of the time to force the Patriarchate to issue a decree giving Moscow jurisdiction over the Metropolis of Kiev. In the beginning of the 19th century, Kiev lost its Metropolitan status and became a regular diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church. Only in the beginning of the 20thcentury, during the time of the Ukrainian revolution were efforts made to create an independent Church of Ukraine. In 1919 the autocephaly was announced, but the Patriarchate of Constantinople did not recognize it. . The structure of this Church was soon to be liquidated and it was restored again after the second world war at the time when Hitler occupied the Ukraine. In 1992, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, when Ukraine gained its independence, the Metropolitan of Kiev requested that the Orthodox Church of Ukraine becomes autocephalous but his request was rejected by the Patriarchate of Moscow. Until 2018 the Patriarchate of Kiev and the autocephalous Church remained unrecognized and thus considered schismatic. In 2018 the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople looked  into the matter and on 5thJanuary 2019, the Orthodox Church of Ukraine received it’s tomos of autocephaly from Constantinople. The Patriarchate of Moscow opposed the decision of Constantinople and as a result refused to perform a common Eucharist with the new Church of Ukraine and with the Patriarchate of Constantinople.
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