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EN
This paper is an elaboration of a theoretical framework we developed in the introductory chapter of our co-edited volume, State Traditions and Language Regimes (McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2015). Using a historical institutionalism approach derived from political science, we argue that language policies need to be understood in terms of their historical and institutional context. The concept of ‘state tradition’ focuses our attention on the relative autonomy of the state in terms of its normative and institutional traditions that lead to particular path dependencies of language policy choices, subject to change at critical junctures. ‘Language regime’ is the conceptual link between state traditions and language policy choices: it allows us to analytically conceptualize how and why these choices are made and how and why they change. We suggest that our framework offers a more robust analysis of language politics than other approaches found in sociolinguistics and normative theory. It also challenges political science to become more engaged with scholarly debate on language policy and linguistic diversity.
EN
In the European Union language regime debate, theorists of multiculturalism and cosmopolitanism have framed their arguments in reference to different theories of justice and democracy. Philippe Van Parijs advocates the diffusion of a lingua franca, namely English, as means of changing the scale of the justificatory community to the European level and allowing the creation of a transnational demos. Paradoxically, one key dimension of democracy has hardly been addressed in this discussion: the question of the democratic legitimacy of language regime choices and citizens’ preferences on the different language regime scenarios. Addressing the question of the congruence of language policy choices operated by national and European elites and ordinary citizens’ preferences, this paper argues first that the dimension of democratic legitimacy is crucial and needs to be taken into account in discussions around linguistic justice. Criticizing the assumption of a direct correspondence between individuals’ language learning choices and citizens’ language regime preferences made by different authors, the analysis shows the ambivalence of citizens’ preferences measured by survey data. The article secondly raises the question of the boundaries of the political community at which the expression of citizens’ preferences should be measured and demonstrates that the outcome and the fairness of territorial linguistic regimes may vary significantly according to the level at which this democratic legitimacy is taken into account.
EN
This article presents the results of a three-month empirical study in a private minority immersion school of the non-profit association DIWAN in Brittany (France). The private minority schools of DIWAN, founded in 1977 as a reaction against monolingual language policy in France, were modeled on Canadian immersion schools, which first appeared in 1965 in Ontario, as well as on Ikastolas (Basque country) and Welsh language schools (Wales). The network of DIWAN immersion schools has created a linguistic regime, ideologically founded in language revitalization. The regime guarantees an artificially secure Breton-only space in schools, along with the teaching of two foreign languages (English and German or Spanish) and classes in the students’ mother tongue French. Nowadays this artificially created Breton-only space is definitely in opposition to a globalized and flexible world. In this context, the research study questions the following: “How do the students experience their multilingualism?” — hypothesizing that the students do encounter separated multilingualism. The study is based on the theoretical concept of multilingualism and on the models of multilingualismencouragement in schools. In addition, there are references to the theory of the production of social space, the concept of language regime and also the study of material semiotics. The empirical part of the study combines language biographical and ethnographical approaches in the form of language portrayals and narrative interviews, as well as linguistic landscaping.
Naše řeč (Our Speech)
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2021
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vol. 104
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issue 5
359-375
EN
The paper deals with the language of Czech speakers born in socialist Czechoslovakia who emigrated with their parents before 1989 and grew up in the Federal Republic of Germany. Due to the dominance of German, their first language, Czech, quite quickly became a secondary language, and their second language, German, the primary one. The study takes a closer look at the idiolect of one female speaker selected from a large number of interviews in order to determine the characteristics of her Czech shaped in the period of limited contact with her home country before 1989, or in the early 1990s. This period’s turbulent economics made the prospect of returning unlikely, and the lack of modern communication technologies did not allow the contact with her home country to the extent known today. The characteristics of her Czech are systematized using studies on Slavic languages in migration, including studies on the so-called heritage language, i.e., the language of the second migration generation. In empirical studies of languages in migration, early migrants’ language is sometimes analysed together with that of heritage language. Thus, it turns out that in comparison with the language spoken in their home country, which is the starting point of acquisition (and comparison), the heritage language is characterized by an imperfect acquisition and insufficient stabilization of already acquired phenomena, which leads to their erosion.
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