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EN
The Old Polish last wills are very remarkable sources of information on the history of mentality, material culture and everyday life. Wills and testaments coming from the lands of Rus voivodeship in particular provides us with many interesting, unknown information about family relations, patronage, estate and foundations of nobility in Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The edition presented to the reader includes the last will of officer Marcin Ubysz of Mogielnica, written in May 1690. The manuscript on which this edition is based belongs to the Collection of Aleksander Czołowski in The Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw (ms 626, pp. 116–117). Modified copy of this document is part of the collection of the Archives of the Polish Province of Dominicans in Krakow and is kept there with the pressmark Lw 588, with other documents concerning Ubysz foundations. The following text presents a heretofore unknown Halicz nobleman and a benefactor of the Lviv Dominicans, but is also a contribution to wider reflections about daily life of the epoch of John III Sobieski.
EN
In the civil law doctrine, forgiveness is considered to be an emotional act or an act similar to a legal act (including a conventional act) which consists of forgetting the resentments for the harm suffered and the hurt felt. Meanwhile, forgiveness is a personal process, involving a person’s entire psyche, the purpose of which is to get rid of the forgiver’s desire to retaliate against the perpetrator. It is not a declaration of intent nor any other legal construct. Due to the ambiguity of Art. 1010 of the Civil Code there is a dispute as to whether forgiveness can have legal effects after a will – in which an offender has been disowned – has already been drawn up, and the instruction has not been revoked. In the Supreme Court’s view, forgiveness is effective in such a situation, while according to the vast majority of the doctrine, the opposite view is correct. The informal nature of forgiveness and its purpose – which is the act of “annulment of a civil penalty,” as well as the requirement of protecting family ties by the inheritance law – validate the aptness of the Supreme Court’s position.
EN
The last will of Magdalena Lubomirska is a very interesting document of female mentality. She was a polish noble women jointed with the king’s court of Augustus II Wettin. She presented the economic problem of her fortune and she created the schooling system for her children, and she protected their life as the orphans.
Zapiski Historyczne
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2011
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vol. 76
|
issue 3
115-139
EN
Late medieval last wills of burghers have aroused a growing interest among researchers in the last few decades as they constitute a source of information about economic, social and religious life, the family and mentality also in the Hanseatic zone. Last wills from Cologne,Hamburg,Stralsund and Lübeck have already been examined. Thus, Beata Możejko’s research on the last wills of Gdansk burghers was a justified initiative. However, the research turned out to be unsuccessful. Insufficient linguistic and palaeographic knowledge resulted in incorrect translations of many testaments. Some relevant fragments failed to be included in the translation. | e construction assumptions of the research raise objections as the social status of the majority of testators was not analyzed, nor the legal aspects of the last wills. That is why this important field in the history of Gdansk is still open to competent and in-depth research.
Umění (Art)
|
2019
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vol. 67
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issue 1-2
91-95
EN
The Hungarian specialist in still-life and animal painting, Jakob Bogdani, acquired throughout his career as the royal court painter of England significant wealth. With his advanced age and serious illness, he decided to sell his paintings — however, without leaving any known list of items or their pricing. Bogdani died in the day of this sale, when his last will was already signed and sealed. The transcript of that document, originally processed in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, is preserved to this day in The National Archives in London. The document clarifies that the major part of the author’s hereditaments should have been bequeathed by his daughter Elizabeth and his son-in-law Tobias Stranover (1684–1756). They were named heirs of the estates in Hitchin and Spalding, which included agricultural facilities and booth-stalls. This concludes, the painter aside from his career in art, took a part also in other gainful activities. Despite the implication of George Vertue (1684–1756), Jakob Bogdani did not die in poverty, as it was commonly thought, but even in the time of his death, he possessed a fortune in the form of his estates. A harsh investment of his son William (1699–1771) was one of the causes of his financial troubles, which was arguably the reason, why Bogdani chose to leave the major part of his properties to his daughter and his son-in-law. In the testament, there are also notes, directly concerning his oeuvre. In particular, the mention of the so-called ‘modelli’ might raise the questions. A half of those items, which were arguably Bogdani’s working instruments, should have been given to his daughter and son-in-law, and the other half was meant for William. However, it is not known whether they were accumulated supplies of sketches or stuffed animals. In this document, also the executors of the last will were named. They were John Smith — Bogdani’s frame- maker; and his colleague and friend, Edward Byng (ca. 1676–1753).
CS
Původem uherský malíř zátiší a zvířecích námětů Jakob Bogdani nabyl značný majetek během své kariéry na anglickém královském dvoře. V pokročilém věku a s podlomeným zdravím se rozhodl, že své obrazy rozprodá — byť bez jakéhokoli zachovaného seznamu a prodejných hodnot děl. Bogdani zemřel právě v den prodeje, ale v té době už měl připravenou poslední vůli. Přepis tohoto dokumentu, původně evidovaného na církevním úřadu pro věci pozůstalých v Canterbury, je dnes zachován v Národních archivech v Londýně. Z dokumentu vyplývá, že dědici větší části autorovy pozůstalosti se měli stát jeho dcera Elizabeth společně se svým manželem a Bogdaniho kolegou Tobiasem Stranoverem (1684–1756). Pár měl zdědit nemovitosti ve městech Hitchin a Spalding, které zahrnovaly polnohospodářské vybavení a prodejní stánky — což potvrzuje, že se malíř vedle své umělecké kariéry věnoval i jiné výdělečné činnosti. Navzdory tvrzením George Vertue (1684–1756) Jakob Bogdani nezemřel v chudobě, jak se běžně tradovalo, ale i v době úmrtí disponoval značným majetkem ve formě nemovitostí. Špatná předchozí investice jeho syna Williama (1699–1771) byla jednou z příčin finančních Jakobových potíží, a zřejmě i proto se umělec rozhodl přenechat většinu svých statků právě dceři a zeti. V závěti se také objevují zmínky týkající se přímo jeho tvorby. Obzvláště zmínka o umělcových „modelli“ vyvolává otázky. Předměty, z nichž polovinu přenechal Bogdani dceři a zeti, a druhou zamýšlel pro syna Williama, byly jistě jeho pracovními pomůckami. Není však známo, zda šlo o autorovy předpřipravené kresby nebo vycpaná zvířata. V dokumentu je doloženo, že provedením této poslední vůle byli jmenováni John Smith, Bogdaniho rámař, a také jeho kolega a přítel Edward Byng (kolem let 1676–1753).
Zapiski Historyczne
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2014
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vol. 79
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issue 3
105-114
EN
The last wills of people from the marginalised strata of society in the old Rzeczpospolita did not constitute a frequent phenomenon; even less frequent were last wills made by beggars. So far no evidence has been found of a beggar who owned any real estate. For this reason, the case of Jakub Żorawski, a beggar from Bydgoszcz, is exceptional, for he left a will from which it may be concluded that he owned a small parcel of real estate (“a small house”) within the city walls. On the basis of his last will some facts from his life may be reconstructed.
EN
The purpose of this article is to analyze the issue of the admissibility of the designation of an heir by reference to sources other than a last will. The provisions in the fourth book of the Civil Code expressis verbisdo not allow such a possibility, and this issue has not yet met with significant interest in the literature. The author presents regulations concerning the establishment of an heir and interpretation of a last will. Contradictory views on the admissibility of such a testamentary disposition are contrasted, especially in the context of the scope of freedom of testation. At the end of the article, the author expresses his own position on the background of the presented argumentation.
EN
Szadek has a well-preserved set of town records for the period 1401 – 1697, consisting of 32 volumes. These books contain a number of legal entries, including testaments. The last will of Dorota Czygańska born Lipińska, written in 1693, found in one of the books, is an interesting document throwing light on many aspects of life in old Poland. The testatrix was a wealthy townswoman possessing a homestead, four plots within the town and much livestock. The property was mainly inherited by her two sons, with a bequest to her brother, Jakub Lipiński, a priest. This suggests that the testatrix belonged to the town’s elite. The mother’s ambition was that her younger son should receive education. The bequests for the younger child contain conditions concerning his education.
EN
This article attempts to specify in what circumstances, in the light of Polish inheritance law, it is possible to make an oral testament. Th e legislator limits the possibility of using this form of will to three cases, namely to the situation when there is a fear of imminent death of the testator, or if due to special circumstances the preparation of the ordinary form of the testament is impossible or very difficult. The article contains an interpretation of the provision stipulating the possibility of making an oral testament only when either of these circumstances occurred. For this purpose, among other things, it was considered whether accepting that there is concern about the imminent death of the testator must be justified by objective or subjective factors, or perhaps both of them at once. It was also considered how to treat cases when the testament is made by a person who wants to commit suicide or someone who, as a result of a medical diagnosis, is convinced that he will soon die, and this diagnosis turns out to be wrong. It was also questioned whether it is reasonable to treat an elderly person’s very old age as a circumstance justifying the fear of imminent death and, consequently, allowing an oral testament to be made. The article also refers to the issue when it can be assumed that due to special circumstances the preparation of the ordinary form of the testament is impossible or very difficult.
EN
The Ostrog entail was founded by prince Janusz Ostrogski with the consent of the Polish Sejm in 1609. It was to include Ostrogski’s estates situated in Volyhnia, Kiev, Sandomierz and Krakow provinces. The Ostrog entail came into the hands of the Sanguszko princes through Paweł Karol Sanguszko's (1680-1750) second wife, Marianna née Lubomirska Sanguszko (d. 1729), daughter of Józef Karol Lubomirski and Teofila née Zasławska, and sister of Aleksander Dominik Lubomirski, the entailer of Ostrog. On her brother's death in 1720 she came into possession of the Ostrog Entail. Goods comprising the Ostrog entail were mentioned in the last will of prince Paweł Karol Sanguszko indicating they belonged to his son Janusz Aleksander.
PL
Ordynacja zwana Ostrogską została założona przez księcia Janusza Ostrogskiego za zgodą sejmu Rzeczypospolitej w 1609 roku. W jej skład miały wchodzić dobra Ostrogskiego położone w województwach wołyńskim, kijowskim, sandomierskim i krakowskim. Ordynacja Ostrogska dostała się w ręce książąt Sanguszków za sprawą drugiej żony Pawła Karola Sanguszki (1680-1750), Marianny z Lubomirskich Sanguszkowej (zm. 1729), córki Józefa Karola Lubomirskiego i Teofili z Zasławskich, oraz siostry Aleksandra Dominika Lubomirskiego, ordynata Ostrogskiego. Po śmierci brata w 1720 roku  weszła w posiadanie ordynacji Ostrogskiej. Dobra wchodzące w skład ordynacji ostrogskiej zostały wymienione w testamencie księcia Pawła Karola Sanguszki ze wskazaniem swego syna Janusza Aleksandra jako do niego należące.
Vox Patrum
|
2020
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vol. 75
415-430
EN
The article presents the thought of Anastasius Sinaita regarding death from a Christian perspective. The author tries to depict in detail the process of the dying of man. He is concerned not only about the moment of death itself, but also the accompanying circumstances. Hence, the author studies surrounding events which include speeches performed by both the person who is passing away and people surrounding him. The funeral oration is based upon the Biblical text, but also includes various themes from both human and animal life. The homily has a didactic and consolable character.
PL
Artykuł prezentuje myśl Anastazego Synaity, odnoszącą się do śmierci w aspekcie chrześcijańskim. Autor stara się w szczegółowy sposób opisać proces odejścia człowieka z uwzględnieniem nie tylko samego momentu śmierci, ale przedstawia cały wachlarz zachowań, gestów, a także wypowiedzi zarówno ze strony umierającego, jak i jemu towarzyszących. Mowę pogrzebową autor opiera na tekstach biblijnych. Wykorzystuje również motywy zaczerpnięte z życia i zachowania ludzi i zwierząt. Homilia ma charakter dydaktyczno – konsolacyjny.
EN
The article presents the life of reverend August Nahlik (1812–1878) during his service as a parish priest of St. Catherine’s parish in Rumno. There, he got involved in the independence movement, and then became one of the leading figures of the so-called conspiracy in Horozhanna, whose main goal was to spark a local uprising against the partitioners in Eastern Galicia. Together with other upheavals of this type throughout the entire Galicia, the conspiracy in Horozhanna was to become an important part of the nationwide independence spur being prepared by the Polish Democratic Society since the 1840s. Unfortunately, in 1846 the conspiracy was discovered and bloodily suppressed by the peasants, and the incidents in Horozhanna are associated with other revolts taking place at the time, described in historiography as the Galician Slaughter. Rev. August Nahlik, along with other conspirators who managed to escape the peasants’ attack, was sentenced to 15 years in one of the toughest prisons of the Austrian Empire - the Spielberg fortress. However, thanks to the amnesty announced in 1848, he regained his freedom and, after a year of suspension, was first appointed a parish priest of St. Lawrence’s parish in Chyrow, and then in 1864 he was transferred to the western part of the Przemysl diocese, to the parish of Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary and Corpus Christi in Strzyzow. There, he significantly contributed to the revival of the religious life of the parish, as well as to the restoration of the former glory of the temple, devastated in the Josephine times. He managed the parish in Strzyzow until his death in 1878. The content of the article is additionally enriched by the edition of the last will of Rev. August Nahlik from 1878, which has been preserved in Feliks Misky’s notarial deeds, and a previously unpublished photograph of the priest from the collection of the Polish Academy of Sciences.
PL
W artykule przybliżone zostały mało znane losy księdza Augusta Nahlika (1812- 1878) z czasów, kiedy sprawował on probostwo w parafii pw. św. Katarzyny w Rumnie. Zaangażował się tam bowiem w ruch niepodległościowy, a następnie stał się jedną z czołowych postaci tzw. spisku w Horożannie, którego głównym celem było wywołanie w Galicji Wschodniej lokalnego powstania skierowanego przeciwko zaborcom. Wspólnie z innymi tego typu wystąpieniami na terenie całej Galicji spisek w Horożannie miał stać się ważnym ogniwem w przygotowywanym od lat 40. XIX wieku przez Towarzystwo Demokratyczne Polskie ogólnonarodowym zrywie niepodległościowym. Niestety, w 1846 r. spisek ten został wykryty i krwawo stłumiony przez chłopów, a same zaś zajścia w Horożannie łączone są z rozgrywającymi się w tym samym czasie wydarzeniami określanymi przez historiografię mianem rabacji galicyjskiej. Ks. Nahlik wraz z innymi spiskowcami, którym udało się ujść z życiem przed cepami i kosami chłopów, skazany został na 15 lat pobytu w jednym z najcięższych ówcześnie więzień Cesarstwa Austrii – twierdzy Spielberg. Jednak dzięki ogłoszonej w 1848 r. amnestii odzyskał wolność i po rocznej suspensie skierowany został najpierw na probostwo do parafii pw. św. Wawrzyńca w Chyrowie, a następnie w 1864 r. przeniesiony został na zachodnie krańce diecezji przemyskiej do parafii pw. Niepokalanego Poczęcia NMP i Bożego Ciała w Strzyżowie, która była ostatnią placówką duszpasterską na drodze ks. Nahlika. Zarządzał nią bowiem aż do swojej śmierci w 1878 r. Treść artykułu wzbogaca ponadto edycja ostatniej woli ks. Nahlika z 1878 r., która zachowała się w aktach notarialnych Feliksa Misky’ego, a także fotografia księdza pochodząca ze zbiorów Polskiej Akademii Nauk.
PL
Gatunki wypowiedzi kształtowane są przez doświadczenia kulturowe danej społeczności i odzwierciedlają jej ontologiczno-aksjologiczne interpretacje. Z porównania gatunków testamentowych w Polsce i USA wynika, że w obu kulturach funkcjonują odmienne kolekcje i wzorce gatunkowe testamentu i towarzyszących mu gatunków pokrewnych. Widoczne są istotne różnice we wszystkich aspektach wzorca gatunkowego (strukturalne, pragmatyczne, kognitywne i stylistyczne). O ich tożsamości gatunkowej decyduje głównie pragmatyka – wola przekazania majątku określonym spadkobiercom. Amerykańskie gatunki okołotestamentowe silniej eksponują wolność jednostki, pochwałę zaradności i wagę indywidualnego sukcesu, a jednocześnie świadczą o bardziej praktycznym podejściu do realizacji tej czynności prawnej.
EN
The genres of speech are shaped by cultural experiences of a given community and reflect its ontological and axiological interpretations. As the comparison of the testamentary genres in Poland and the US shows, there are distinct collections of genres and genre patterns in both cultures. There are considerable differences in all aspects of genre patterns (structural, pragmatic, cognitive and stylistic). The identity of the genres is determined mainly by their pragmatics – the desire to transfer testator‟s property to his heirs. The American testamentary genres strongly highlight individual freedom, praise the importance of resourcefulness and individual success, and provide a more practical approach to implementation of that act.
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